By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 1 2025 – The Trump administration’s on-again-off-again threats against the United Nations, and US withdrawals from several UN agencies aggravated further by financial cutbacks, have left most staffers with growing apprehension and uncertainty about their future— and their mental health.

Will the UN’s liquidity crisis result in downsizing of staff or trigger a round of salary cuts? Will there be a freeze on promotions and on salary increases? And will non-American staffers be deprived of permanent residencies in the US—and forced to return, along with their families, to their home countries, on retirement?

Meanwhile, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the UN’s humanitarian agency, is facing significant budget cuts due to a funding gap, primarily stemming from a reduction in US funding. This has led to plans for a 20% reduction in staff and a scaled-back presence in several countries, according to OCHA.

Besides OCHA, the budget cuts have also impacted on the World Food Program (WFP), UNICEF and the UN High Commission for Refugees, who are either closing offices, reducing staff or ending programs due to a sharp decrease in US funding.

In a memo to staffers last week, the UN Staff Union (UNSU) in New York acknowledged “the significant concern and potential uncertainty caused by the current financial situation of the Organization.”

“We believe that prioritizing mental health and well-being is essential during these uncertain times. As such, the Union is preparing a series of Mental Health Sessions to offer practical tips and techniques for managing what may lie ahead.”

“Be assured that your Union remains steadfast in defending your rights to fair and equitable treatment and stands ready to navigate the anticipated challenges ahead together,” says the memo from Narda Cupidore, President of UNSU.

Meanwhile, the Staff Management Committee (SMC), which was convened in Vienna, April 7-12, addressed critical issues impacting staff welfare and conditions of service.

The agenda was dominated by three topics: I) UN80 Initiative; ii) the financial crisis; and iii) the downsizing policy. These deeply interconnected topics and their combined impact on staff were the central focus over several days of deliberations.

The Secretary-General has requested “the UN80 Initiative Task Force and Working Groups to develop proposals to i) rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements in the way we work; ii) review the implementation of the mandates received from Member States; and iii) conduct a programmatic realignment within the UN system, while rationalizing resources.”

Dr Purnima Mane, former President and CEO of Pathfinder International and one-time Deputy Executive Director (Programme) and UN Assistant-Secretary-General (ASG) at the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), told IPS the US government’s threats of financial cutbacks and withdrawals from many UN agencies is a matter of special concern not only for Member States but also the UN staff themselves, affecting their mental health and ability to bring their best to their already challenging work.

“With multiple global upheavals all over the world, the UN clearly is an institution from which much is expected at this time. But financial cutbacks seriously threaten the UN’s ability to deliver and its staff members’ ability to do their job”.

It is therefore reassuring, she said, that the concerned bodies affiliated to the UN, which focus on staff welfare, are honing in on the mental health of the staff who are working in this current environment of extreme uncertainty. .

It is encouraging to note that the UN Staff Union is preparing a series of mental health sessions for staff to have access to practical tips for managing what may lie ahead.

The Staff Management Committee XIII which met early April in Vienna also focused on critical issues impacting staff welfare and conditions of service, and not surprisingly, the financial crises that the UN is threatened with and the downsizing policy were two of the major topics that the SMC focused on.

“Uncertainty of course makes matters even tougher since the US administration has announced cutbacks to institutions where the US is a sole or major contributor and then reversed its decision in the case of some,” she pointed out.

If the UN is not seen as a sound investment by the US, and its position on cutbacks and withdrawals remain without any alteration, the paralysis, in terms of action, will be severe and will take a high toll in terms of staff mental health and subsequently, their ability to perform already formidable tasks, declared Dr Mane.

The World Food Program, UNICEF and the UN High Commission for Refugees are among UN agencies that are cutting jobs, closing offices, ending programs and taking other cost-cutting measures due to a sharp decrease in US funding.

In 2024, the UN Secretariat employed over 35,000 staff members across 467 duty stations worldwide. This includes staff from over 190 nationalities, as part of the wider UN family with over 100 bodies and organizations, including some 30 agencies, funds and programmes.

The cash crisis has been aggravated by non-payment or late payment of dues by member states. As of April 30, only 101 out of 193 member states, have paid their assessed contributions in full.

Asked about the budgetary cuts by UN agencies, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters April 28, there are different kinds of cuts.

“The most violent that we have seen really hit our humanitarian and development partners because the cuts are immediate. The way they’re funded are through voluntary contribution. The money is allotted for specific programmes, so the money is not there. The work’s not getting done”.

“So, I think the Secretary-General has said that we are, right now facing a liquidity crisis. We’re managing that. We’re obviously, and he always has been looking to be the most possibly responsible caretaker of the money that is entrusted to us”.

Dujarric said the strategy is also to ensure that Member States understand the quick and real impact of these cuts.

Currently, the biggest single defaulter is the US, which, as the largest contributor, pays 22% of the UN’s regular budget and 27% of the peacekeeping budget.

The US owes $1.5 billion to the UN’s regular budget. And, between the regular budget, the peacekeeping budget, and international tribunals, the total amount the US owes is a hefty $2.8 billion.

The top 10 contributors to the UN’s regular budget, based on assessed contributions, are the United States, China, Japan, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, Canada, Brazil, and Russia.

The regular budget for 2025 is $3.72 billion—around $120 million more than the $3.6 billion figure unveiled by Secretary-General António Guterres in October 2024—and $130 million greater than the Organisation’s 2024 budget.

The total budget appropriation for 2025 amounts to $3,717,379,600. After the US, China is the second-largest contributor, assessed at 18.7% of the regular budget.

In its appeal to staffers, the Staff Union says the Secretary-General’s UN80 Initiative “may bring substantial changes to our organization and have significant impact on our conditions of service”.

“While the full extent of these changes is still unknown, we recognize the underlying stress and anxiety it might cause, especially against the backdrop of constant media coverage of similar challenges occurring across the Common System.”

Towards this effort, the UN80 Initiative has created a suggestion box to submit support and ideas.

“As we believe the most effective solution sets can come from those directly involved in the day-to-day work of the organization and with an upcoming deadline of 1 May 2025, we encourage you to share your innovative and creative proposals not only with the UN80 Initiative but with your Union as well”.

By sending your suggestions to [email protected], says the memo, “ we shall be able to record the dynamic contributions of Staff Members and re-emphasize the critical importance of an inclusive, Secretariat wide decision-making process within the three pillars of efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation, and programme realignment.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By CIVICUS
May 1 2025 – CIVICUS speaks with Ukrainian gender rights activist Maryna Rudenko about the gendered impacts of the war in Ukraine and the importance of including women in peacebuilding efforts.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has profoundly impacted on women and girls. Many have been displaced and are struggling with poverty and unemployment. Those who’ve stayed endure daily missile attacks, damaged infrastructure, lack of basic services and sexual violence from Russian forces if they live in occupied territories. Women activists, caregivers and journalists are particularly vulnerable. The international community must increase support to ensure justice for victims and women’s inclusion in peace efforts.

Maryna Rudenko

What have been the impacts of the war in Ukraine, particularly on women and girls?

The war began in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea, with Indigenous women, particularly Crimean Tatars, immediately and severely affected. They risked losing their property and livelihoods, and to continue working they were forced to change their citizenship. Pro-Ukraine activists had to flee and those who stayed faced arrest. This placed a heavier burden on many women who were left in charge of their families.

At the same time in 2014, Russia began supporting separatist movements in eastern Ukraine, leading to the occupation of territories such as Donetsk and Luhansk and the displacement of over a million people. When Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022, many lost their homes again. Nearly seven million fled to European countries. This population loss poses a significant demographic challenge to Ukraine’s post-war development.

Since 2015, conflict-related sexual violence has been a major issue. Around 342 cases have been documented. The International Criminal Court recognised that conflict-related sexual violence has been committed in the temporarily occupied territories since 2014.

Ukraine also experienced the largest campaign of child abduction in recent history: Russia took close to 20,000 Ukrainian children from occupied territories and sent then to ‘camps’ in Crimea or Russia, where the authorities changed their names and nationalities and gave them to Russian families. Ukrainian children were forced to change their national identity. This is evidence of genocidal approach in Russia’s war activities.

The war has also devastated infrastructure and the economy. In my town, 30 km from Kyiv, the heating station was hit by 11 ballistic missiles, leaving us without electricity or water for a long time. It was very scary to stay at the apartment with my daughter and know that Russian ballistic missiles were flying over our house. Roughly 40 per cent of the economy was destroyed in 2022 alone, causing job losses at a time when the government spends over half its budget on the military. Civilians, including a record 70,000 women, have taken up arms.

Beyond the immediate human cost, the war is causing serious environmental damage, with weapons and missile debris polluting soil and water beyond national borders. Russia’s occupation of Zaporizhzhia, the largest nuclear power plant in Europe, poses a very real risk of a nuclear disaster for Ukraine and Europe as a whole.

How have Ukrainian women’s organisations responded?

Starting in 2014, we focused on advocacy, championing United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 1,325, which reaffirms the role of women in conflict prevention and resolution. The government adopted its National Action Plan on the implementation of the resolution in 2016. We formed local coalitions to implement this agenda, leading to reforms such as opening military roles to women, establishing policies to prevent sexual harassment, integrating gender equality in the training curriculum and gender mainstreaming as part of police reform.

Following the full-scale invasion, Ukrainian women’s civil society organisations (CSOs) shifted to providing immediate humanitarian relief, as survival became the top priority. Women’s CSOs began helping people, particularly those with disabilities, relocate to western Ukraine and providing direct aid to those who remained. As schools, hospitals and shelters for survivors of domestic violence were destroyed, women’s CSOs tried to fill the gap, providing food, hygiene packages and cash and improvising school lessons in metro tunnels.

People stood up and helped. In Kharkiv, which is located 30 km from the boarder with Russia, the local government created underground schools. It’s unbelievable that this happened in the 21st century and because of the aggression of a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Our children, women and men can’t sleep normally because every night there are missile and drone attacks.

In the second half of 2022, women’s CSOs and the government tried to refocus on long-term development. One of the first initiatives was to amend the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security to better address conflict-related sexual violence in both occupied and liberated areas. This was a much-needed response given the many reported cases of killing, rape and torture. This involved training law enforcement officers, prosecutors and other officials on how to document these crimes and properly communicate with survivors, who often blame themselves due to stigma surrounding the violence.

We have also reported Russia’s violations of the Geneva Conventions, particularly those concerning women, to UN human rights bodies.

Women’s groups are pushing for more donor support for psychological services to address trauma and helping plan for long-term recovery, aiming to rebuild damaged infrastructure and improve services to meet the needs of excluded groups. Some donors, like the Ukrainian Women’s Fund, have agreed to support the costs of mental recovery for women activists to help them restore their strength and support others.

How should women’s voices be integrated into recovery and peacebuilding efforts?

Women must have a real seat at the negotiation table. Genuine participation means not just counting the number of women involved but ensuring their voices are heard and their needs addressed. Unfortunately, the gender impacts of the war remain a secondary concern.

We have outlined at least 10 key areas where the gender impacts of the war should be discussed and prioritised in negotiations. However, it looks like these are being largely ignored in the current high-level negotiations between Russia and the USA. We heard that President Volodymyr Zelenskyy highlighted the importance of returning Ukrainian children when he met with Donald Trump. It’s highly important for the mothers and fathers of these children and for all Ukrainians.

Women’s CSOs are working to ensure all survivors can access justice and fair reparations, and that nobody forgets and excuses the war crimes committed. We urgently need accountability; peace cannot be achieved at the expense of truth. This is particularly important because the Council of Europe’s Register of Damage for Ukraine only accepts testimonies of war crimes that happened after the 2022 invasion, leaving out many survivors from crimes committed since 2014. We are working to amend this rule.

The international response should follow the principle of ‘nothing about us, without us’. International partners should collaborate directly with women-led CSOs, using trauma-informed approaches. For women affected by combat, loss or abduction, recovery must start with psychological support, and civil society can play a vital role in this process.

The effective implementation of Resolution 1,325 also requires reconstruction funds that incorporate a gender perspective throughout. Ukrainian women’s CSOs prepared a statement to highlight the importance of analysing the war’s impact on the implementation of the UN’s Beijing Platform for Action on gender equality and we used this as common message during the recent meeting of the UN Commission on the Status of Women.

Additionally, we believe it’s time to consider the successes and failures in implementation of Resolution 1,325 and its sister resolutions, because it’s 25 years since its adoption and the world is not safer.

We appreciate any platforms where we can speak about the experience of Ukraine and call for action to support Ukraine to help make a just and sustain peace in Europe and the world.

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SEE ALSO
Ukraine: ‘Civil society remains resilient and responsive, but financial constraints now hamper its efforts’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Mykhailo Savva 25.Feb.2025
Russia: Further tightening of restrictions on ‘undesirable’ organisations CIVICUS Monitor 30.Jul.2024
Russia and Ukraine: a tale of two civil societies CIVICUS Lens 24.Feb.2024

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Indigenous people play a vital role in ocean protection due to their deep-rooted connection to the marine environment and their traditional knowledge of sustainable resource management. They often possess centuries-old practices and stewardship ethics that prioritize ecological balance and community well-being. Recognizing and supporting indigenous leadership in ocean conservation is crucial for building a more […]

By Joyce Chimbi
BUSAN, Korea, Apr 30 2025 – Participants from over 100 countries will leave the 10th Our Ocean Conference in Busan, the Republic of Korea, with stark reminders that with sea levels rising dangerously, coastal regions and low-lying areas globally, particularly densely populated areas, are threatened.

Asia, Africa, island nations, as well as the U.S. East and Gulf Coasts are increasingly on the frontlines of the coastal climatic carnage. Countries and regions at high risk include Bangladesh, India, the Philippines, and Pacific Island nations like Tuvalu and Fiji. In 2024, floods caused the highest number of fatalities in Africa in countries such as Cameroon and Nigeria.

“We started this conference with the understanding that the ocean is under threat. A third of the world’s fisheries are overfished. Illegal and destructive fishing is damaging the ecosystems. It hurts the coastal communities that depend on it and undermines global economies. So, to risk the ocean risks the future security of all of our countries and the planet,” said Tony Long, CEO, Global Fishing Watch.

The Our Ocean Conference gathered approximately 1,000 global leaders from various sectors, including heads of state and high-level government officials from over 100 countries, and representatives from more than 400 international and non-profit organizations. Together, they discussed diverse and concrete actions for a sustainable ocean.

Today, experts highlighted the intersection of the ocean, climate, and biodiversity in finding solutions that transform science into political action. While the ocean is on the frontlines of the climate crisis, it is also a significant source of sustainable solutions because it absorbs nearly 25 percent of carbon dioxide emissions and 90 percent of the heat resulting from these emissions.

The 30×30 campaign supports the national and global movements to protect at least 30 percent of the blue planet’s land, waters, and ocean by 2030. While moderating a session on the importance of 30×30 and progress in national waters, Melissa Wright, a senior member of the environment team at Bloomberg Philanthropies, where she leads the Bloomberg Ocean Initiative, spoke about ongoing support for the global ambition.

“We’re supporting global ambition to achieve 30×30 in the ocean through equitable and inclusive partnerships and initiatives with civil society, governments, indigenous and community groups, and local leaders. Since 2014, the Blue Water Ocean Initiative has invested more than USD366 million to advance ocean conservation,” she said.

The initiative works in tandem with governments, NGOs, and local leaders to accelerate the designation and enforcement of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs). Most recently, the initiative has pushed for the rapid ratification of the High Seas Treaty and ensured the creation of MPAs in areas beyond national jurisdiction.

“We do not have much time left until 2030 to achieve the 30×30. As such, we are presented with a unique and challenging opportunity for ambitious, robust enhancement to our national and global capacities for the protection, conservation, and sustainability of our oceans,” said Noralene Uy, Assistant Secretary for Policy, Planning, and Foreign-Assisted and Special Projects, Philippines Department of Environment and Natural Resources.

Noralene Uy speaking to participants about the Philippines’ efforts and challenges towards achieving the 30×30 targets. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

The Philippines is one of the 17 megadiverse countries in the world, meaning it possesses a high level of biodiversity and a large number of endemic species. The country is home to a significant portion of the world’s plant and animal species, including many unique and endemic species.

Within this context, she said an undue burden weighs on the Philippines given limited resources and other priority development objectives. Nonetheless, the country has turned to science and is making progress. The country has established marine scientific research stations strategically located in the major marine biogeographic regions of the country to provide insights and knowledge into their ocean.

They have also formulated the national ocean environment policy, stressing that as science and policy evolve according to the priorities of our country, organizational structures and knowledge systems must change as well.

To achieve the highest ambition in marine protection, the Philippines and coastal communities around the globe now have an ever-greater need for financing and technical resources. Brian O’Donnell, Director, Campaign for Nature, explained that the only available assessment of the cost of 30×30 on a global scale is now five years old.

“According to the assessment, it would cost about USD 100 billion a year to implement 30×30 both on land and in the sea and at the time of the assessment, only about USD 20 billion was being spent, leaving an USD 80 billion annual shortfall,” he explained.

“Not only do we need to ensure we get more money into this space, but that money is delivered efficiently and effectively to the people, communities, and countries where biodiversity is and those who are safeguarding it.”

O’Donnell said that, despite ongoing challenges in mobilizing financial resources, there is some notable progress. He spoke about the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, adopted in 2022, which includes a target for wealthy nations to provide at least USD 20 billion annually in international biodiversity finance to developing countries by 2025, increasing to USD 30 billion by 2030.

This target aims to help developing countries implement their biodiversity strategies and action plans, particularly those in Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States. But O’Donnell said there is a need to change how things are done, as, unfortunately, much of the financing to developing countries is coming in the form of loans and short-term financing.

In all, he encouraged partnerships and collaboration in raising much-needed resources, such as the Oceans 5, which is dedicated to protecting the world’s five oceans. Oceans 5 is an international funders’ collaborative dedicated to stopping overfishing, establishing marine protected areas, and constraining offshore oil and gas development, three of the highest priorities identified by marine scientists around the world. Bloomberg Philanthropies is a founding partner of Oceans 5.

Looking ahead, there is optimism that by the time delegates settle down for the 11th Our Ocean Conference in 2026 in Kenya, the global community will have moved the needle in their efforts across finance, policy, capacity building, and research towards marine protected areas, sustainable blue economy, climate change, maritime security, sustainable fisheries, and reduction of marine pollution.

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By Zikora Ibeh
LAGOS, Nigeria, Apr 30 2025 – Half a century after ECOWAS promised peace and prosperity, three breakaway states are testing West African solidarity, sparking a potential trade war.

Unless last-minute diplomatic efforts can save the day, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) looks set to mark its 50th anniversary next month not only three member states short but also facing the onset of a trade war that threatens to undo its decades-long efforts at achieving regional integration and free trade.

Since July 2023, the 15-member regional bloc founded in 1975 has been gripped by a crisis of legitimacy over its stance on the wave of military coups in the region. Between 2020 and 2023, Mali (2020 and 2021), Burkina Faso (2022) and most recently Niger (2023) experienced a series of coups that saw the overthrow of democratically elected governments and the seizure of power by juntas.

The latter, buoyed by a wave of anti-Western sentiment sweeping the region, moved to end decades-long military and economic alliances with former coloniser France as well as the US, Germany and the EU, in favour of relations with Russia and China.

But it was not until July 2023, when the Tchiani-led military junta seized power in Niger, that the simmering discontent in the regional bloc metastasised into a split and the confederation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a defence pact comprising the breakaway states of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, was formed.

Towards a trade war?

Since its emergence on the West African landscape, the AES has quickly morphed into a substantive regional rival with an agenda for monetary, economic, trade and cultural integration. On 29 January, the AES countries formally withdrew from ECOWAS after observing the mandatory one-year notice period. The bloc now has its own flag and passport, as well as a central bank and currency.

Two weeks ago, the AES slapped a 0.5 per cent import duty on all goods from ECOWAS member states in a move that raises the prospect of a trade war. The tariff, which took effect immediately, applies to all goods, excluding humanitarian aid, entering the three countries.

This new policy runs counter to ECOWAS’ intention under the Trade Liberalization Scheme (ETLS) and investment policy to continue to ensure open borders and free movement of goods between its members and the AES countries despite their official exit from the bloc.

The new levy threatens to disrupt trade flows and drive up food prices across the region.

The AES has defended the levy as a means of raising revenue to finance its activities. Given that the AES countries are cash-strapped and currently have minimal administrative capacity to manage more complex policies, it is not surprising that they have resorted to this measure.

Import duties are a ‘stroke of the pen’ policy, providing a quicker way to raise revenue than long-term investment in expanding revenues through export markets and developing other areas of comparative advantage. At the same time, however, they can also serve as a shortcut over a cliff.

Depending on how ECOWAS states respond, AES import duties risk provoking countermeasures — something that would only make an already bad situation worse.

The new levy threatens to disrupt trade flows and drive up food prices across the region. But the impact could be far worse for the alliance, whose member states are among the world’s poorest countries. Being landlocked, the AES countries are heavily dependent on imports through ports via their southern ECOWAS neighbours, primarily Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, Senegal and Benin.

So, adding this tariff will significantly increase the price of imports, including food, for citizens of AES member states. Nigeria, for instance, is Niger’s third-largest trading partner after France and Mali. And in recent months, Niger has suffered frequent power cuts and fuel shortages due to dwindling supply from neighbouring Nigeria.

The AES levy also adds to the growing structural, logistical and political challenges that continue to hinder the growth of intra-African trade and particularly the realisation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which came into effect in 2021. For a continent of 1.3 billion people, the AfCFTA is supposed to be the world’s largest operating free trade area.

Sadly, this is not yet the case. According to figures from Trade Data Monitor, the value of intra-African trade stood at $192.2 billion in 2023, representing just 14.9 per cent of total African trade. Over the same period, the global share of intra-African exports and imports also declined from 14.5 per cent in 2021 to 13.7 per cent in 2022.

Payback

Whether West Africa gets back on track with the AfCFTA will depend on the possibility of convincing the AES countries to rejoin ECOWAS by July 2025, when the grace period granted at the time of their exit in January ultimately expires.

The AES countries account for around 17 per cent of ECOWAS’ total population of 446 million, more than half of its total land area of over 5 million km2 and about 7.7 per cent of its total GDP. Their departure has thrown ECOWAS into its worst crisis in half a century.

The current trajectory of political polarisation and a potential tariff war will only lead to the common ruin of all.

Still, this was not an inevitable crisis. Rather, it was one that the regional bloc walked into with its eyes wide open. Because all things considered, the split can be seen as payback for ECOWAS’ drift away from its founding pan-Africanist ideals and the mistakes it made in its handling of the coup in Niger.

At its founding half a century ago, ECOWAS expounded a vision of solidarity, collective self-reliance, non-aggression, and the maintenance of regional peace and stability. Over the decades, however, not only had the union failed to stand true to these ideals, but its hollow defence of democracy while tolerating sit-tight despots such as Togo’s Faure Gnassingbé in its rank had produced a crisis of legitimacy that robbed the regional body of the moral authority to enforce discipline in times of turmoil.

This crisis of legitimacy is currently being reinforced as the AES continues to employ sovereign and anti-imperialist rhetoric to position itself as a worthy alternative. But the current trajectory of political polarisation and a potential tariff war will only lead to the common ruin of all. Hence the urgent need for ECOWAS to avoid giving in to provocation and instead employ diplomacy to resolve the challenges brought about by the imposition of import duties by the AES.

It was the failure to take the diplomatic route that led to the impasse in the first place. This is the lesson that ECOWAS must learn as it begins to reimagine its role as a regional bloc for the next half-century. Failing to do so could mean a further erosion of the bloc’s influence and relevance over the coming 50 years.

Zikora Ibeh is a researcher, columnist, podcaster and development advocate with a passion for social justice and gender equity. She works to make a difference in society through public policy advocacy, action research and media advocacy.

Source: International Politics & Society, Brussels

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By Timothy A. Wise
CAMBRIDGE, MA., Apr 30 2025 – On March 17, Mexican President Claudia Scheinbaum signed into law a constitutional reform banning the cultivation of genetically modified (GM) corn. The action followed a December ruling by a trade tribunal, under the U.S.-Mexico-Canada (USMCA) trade agreement, in favor of a U.S. complaint that Mexico’s 2023 presidential decree, with broader restrictions on the consumption of GM corn, constituted an unfair trade practice by prohibiting the use of GM corn in tortillas.

The Mexican government publicly disagreed with the ruling, claiming that the three arbitrators had failed to consider the scientific evidence Mexico presented in the yearlong case. But the government chose to comply, rescinding the three specific parts of the decree deemed to limit future GM corn imports. Still, the government left intact the decree’s measures phasing out the use of the herbicide glyphosate, establishing a protocol for tracking GM corn imports into the country, and banning the cultivation of GM corn in the country.

The constitutional amendment enshrines that last measure in a more permanent manner. While GM corn has faced planting restrictions for more than a decade, the constitutional ban represents an important act of resistance and sovereignty, particularly in light of the flawed decision by the tribunal.

Trade panel fails to consider evidence

Corn is central to Mexico’s agriculture, cuisine, nutrition, and culture. Mexico is the center of origin for corn, where the crop was domesticated thousands of years ago. It remains at the core of the country’s farming, diet, and culture. As President Sheinbaum acknowledged in approving the constitutional ban on GM corn cultivation, “Sin maiz no hay pais” – without corn there is no country.

In defense of Mexico’s 2023 decree, the panel acknowledged that the government presented scientific evidence from qualified and reputable sources of “risks to human health arising from the direct consumption of GM corn grain in Mexico, and risks to native corn of transgenic contamination arising from the unintentional, unauthorized, and uncontrolled spread of GM corn in Mexico.” (That evidence is summarized in an extensive publication from Mexico’s national science agency.)

The trade tribunal dismissed concerns about such risks in its ruling, essentially giving itself a pass on reviewing the scientific evidence of human-health risks by arguing that Mexico had not conducted an approved risk assessment “based on relevant scientific principles,” a reference to prevailing international codes for such processes.

The panel also failed to evaluate the risks to native corn. Mexico presented strong evidence that GM corn has cross-pollinated native corn varieties, gene flow that threatens to undermine the genetic integrity of the country’s 64 “landraces” and more than 22,000 varieties adapted by farmers over millennia to different soils, altitudes, climates, foods, and customs.

The tribunal argued that no special protection from GM corn was needed because gene flow already takes place from non-GM hybrid varieties of corn, and GM contamination is no different from non-GM gene flow. “Mexico has not demonstrated how the threat to the traditions and livelihoods of indigenous and farming communities from GM corn is greater than the threat posed by non-native, non-GM corn,” the panel wrote. Cross-pollination from hybrid corn “could equally threaten the genetic integrity of native corn.”

Equating contamination from GM corn with that of hybrid corn is a serious misreading of the science and of Mexico’s culture. GMOs by definition – and by explicit definitions in the constitutional amendment – involve crossing species boundaries, introducing, for example, a gene from a bacterium into a corn plant to repel insects. In contrast, hybrid corn is produced by cross-breeding different corn varieties, the resulting offspring remaining pure corn, with no non-corn genes in its DNA.

Mexican farmers have a long history of developing some of their own cross-pollinated varieties, intentionally combining a native variety with a hybrid that has properties the farmer desires. Such cross-pollination has nothing in common with unwanted contamination from GM corn, imposed on farmers without their informed consent. They call it “genetic pollution.”

It can pose a long-term risk to native varieties. Transgenic traits do not always reveal themselves after contamination. That means farmers can unknowingly spread such contamination from their pollen year after year to other corn plants. Mexican researchers discovered such contamination in their 2013 survey of native corn varieties. Biotechnologist Antonio Serratos reported that some of the native varieties he found even within Mexico City had transgenic traits in their DNA.

“In Mexican fields, transgenic native maize is being created,” he told me at the time. ”If [GM] maize seeds are sold or exchanged, the contamination will grow exponentially. That is the point of no return.”

Seed-sharing under threat

The tribunal’s alternative recommendation for controlling unwanted gene flow suggested that “the informal seed exchange practices of indigenous and farming communities” was one of the “underlying issues” Mexico should address to prevent contamination instead of restricting imports.

Limiting seed-sharing is entirely at odds with the science of seed diversity and evolution, says researcher Erica Hagman, who helped prepare Mexico’s defense in the USMCA dispute. Mexico’s rich corn diversity is the direct result of millennia of adaptive practices by farmers in their fields. The tribunal’s suggestion that Mexico should limit such seed-sharing to prevent GM corn contamination runs counter to the practices of in situ conservation of agricultural biodiversity.

Mexico’s constitutional ban on GM corn cultivation ensures that such misguided reasoning will not guide public policy. The amendment was strengthened by proposals from civil society that extended the ban to new genetically engineered seeds by banning any crops “produced with techniques that overcome the natural barriers of reproduction or recombination, such as transgenics.” This limits some of the new generations of genetically engineered crops.

While the constitutional reform does not include some of the original language restricting GM corn consumption, no doubt in deference to the trade ruling, the final version shows a clear preference for non-GM crops, leaving the door open to tighter regulation.

Tania Monserrat Téllez from the Sin Maíz No Hay País coalition called the reform “a major step forward for the defense of native corn varieties, the health of the Mexican population, and the protection of Mexico’s biocultural heritage associated with corn.”

Timothy A. Wise is the author of Eating Tomorrow: Agribusiness, Family Farmers, and the Battle for the Future of Food (New Press 2019) and a researcher at Tufts University’s Global Development and Environment Institute.

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By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 30 2025 – For 2025, the theme of World Health Immunization Week (24-30 April), “Immunization for All is Humanly Possible”, emphasizes the need to eradicate disparities in access to vaccines, particularly for children. By encouraging governments to implement vaccination programs at the local and national levels, the World Health Organization (WHO) seeks t0 ensure worldwide access to life-saving vaccines.

“Vaccines are among the most powerful inventions in history, making once-feared diseases preventable,” said WHO Director-General, Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. “Thanks to vaccines, smallpox has been eradicated, polio is on the brink, and with the more recent development of vaccines against diseases like malaria and cervical cancer, we are pushing back the frontiers of disease. With continued research, investment and collaboration, we can save millions more lives today and in the next 50 years.”

According to figures from the United Nations (UN), over the past 50 years global immunization efforts have saved roughly 154 million lives. Vaccines are also estimated to save around 4.2 million lives each year. More children live to see their first birthday and beyond than ever before in human history.

Health experts have estimated that immunization is one of the most cost-effective disease treatments, with every 1 dollar invested in vaccinations yielding a 54 dollar return in productivity. Additionally, vaccines are estimated to save the average infected person around 66 years of life, with roughly 20 million people having been spared of paralysis due to polio vaccinations.

Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, reported that in 2024, more than 5 million children who had not received a single dose of an essential vaccine were immunized in 20 vulnerable countries, many of which were in Africa. Gains in public health were most notably observed in Uganda, Chad, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Malawi, Madagascar, and Côte d’Ivoire.

In the past year alone, cases of polio type 1 have decreased in these regions by roughly 65 percent. Additionally, Human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination coverage has increased by 28 percent as a result of this campaign, making Africa the region with the second highest coverage rate for HPV vaccinations.

Despite recent improvements, rates of global immunization have begun to slip in recent years due to humanitarian crises, recent cuts in funding, and public doubt surrounding the efficacy and implications of child vaccinations. Humanitarian organizations have expressed concern due to the rise or re-emergence of several public health concerns. According to a study conducted by WHO, roughly 50 percent of people across 108 countries are experiencing moderate to severe disruptions to immunization services.

“The progress seen across African countries – bolstered by an unprecedented record of co-financing toward vaccine programmes in 2024 by African governments – demonstrates the tangible impact of sustained commitment,” said Thabani Maphosa, Chief Country Delivery Officer at Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance. “However, this momentum must not stall. Conflict, population growth, displacement, and natural disasters are creating ideal conditions for outbreaks to emerge and spread. Investing in immunization and securing sufficient funding for Gavi to carry out its mission over the next five years is essential to protect our collective future.”

According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the recorded cases of measles reached a total of 10.3 million in 2023, marking a 20 percent increase from the previous year. It is projected that measles cases have risen sharply in 2024 and 2025.

Additionally, rates of meningitis infections have been on an upward trend in 2024 and 2025. Health experts have dubbed the recent rise in meningitis cases in sub-Saharan Africa as the “meningitis belt”, fearing that low and middle-income communities have been hit the hardest.

In 2024, there were nearly 26,000 cases of meningitis and 1,400 deaths across 24 countries. From January to March 2025, there have been approximately 5,500 suspected cases of meningitis and roughly 300 recorded deaths in 22 countries. Health experts also recorded re-emerging malaria and yellow fever epidemics.

In order to ensure global public health and maximize quality of life, it is imperative for governments to invest in health systems that benefit all walks of life, maximize disease surveillance, and tackle persisting cultural taboos surrounding immunization. However, recent cuts in funding threaten to undo decades of progress.

“The global funding crisis is severely limiting our ability to vaccinate over 15 million vulnerable children in fragile and conflict-affected countries against measles,” said UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell. “Immunization services, disease surveillance, and the outbreak response in nearly 50 countries are already being disrupted – with setbacks at a similar level to what we saw during COVID-19. We cannot afford to lose ground in the fight against preventable diseases.”

Although many local governments would consider allocating funds for vaccination services as financial losses, Gavi reports that investing in immunization campaigns and programs nets significant financial gains. In recognition of World Immunization Week, UNICEF, WHO, and Gavi released a joint report that detailed the results of the Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) in Bangladesh.

The report found that Bangladesh’s EPI has saved roughly 94,000 lives, prevented 5 million child cases of child infections, and yielded a 25 dollar return per 1 dollar of U.S. funding invested. Additionally, as a result of this model, Bangladesh has managed to increase the coverage of fully immunized children from 2 percent to over 81 percent since 1979.

“The need to maintain investments in immunization to improve health security and protect populations from vaccine-preventable diseases has never been more urgent if we are to sustain the progress and tangible impact seen across Bangladesh and South-East Asian countries,” said Sam Muller, Regional Head, Core Countries at Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance. “It is important that Gavi is fully funded for its next strategic period from 2026 to 2030, and governments continue their remarkable commitment to the lifesaving power of vaccines.

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By Retno Marsudi and Musonda Mumba
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 29 2025 – Water emergencies are deeply personal to us. Coming from Southeast Asia and southern Africa—two regions that struggle with water challenges—we have witnessed firsthand how water defines the fate of communities and nations.

In many areas of the world, floods have become a persistent risk, displacing millions and causing severe economic losses. Extreme rainfall has led to destroyed homes, infrastructure, and livelihoods. In 2022 alone, floods affected more than 90 million people globally, with damages surpassing $120 billion.

Yet in others, prolonged droughts have had devastating consequences. In southern Africa, rivers are drying up, crippling agriculture and energy production. The severe droughts of recent years have left millions without reliable access to water, and created cascading economic and social challenges.

The extremes of too much or too little water are connected by a simple truth: we cannot solve our water challenges without protecting the ecosystems that regulate them.

Water is running out where we need it most and arriving in excess where we don’t. One in four people lacks access to safe water. Droughts and floods are intensifying, putting not just people, but entire economies at risk.

But the global response remains reactive rather than preventative—billions are spent on disaster relief, yet the fundamental role of nature in water resilience remains overlooked.

Across our regions, we have seen how wetland ecosystems sustain life. Rice paddies in Southeast Asia sustain food production while also acting as natural reservoirs, capturing and regulating seasonal water flows. Mangrove forests along coastlines protect from storm surges while helping to stabilize freshwater supplies.

In southern Africa, wetlands help sustain livestock and agriculture, with floodplains and seasonal wetlands providing grazing land and water storage during dry periods. The Okavango Delta in Botswana, a Ramsar-listed Wetland of International Importance, is just one example—critical for regional water resilience, supporting biodiversity and sustaining livelihoods in one of Africa’s driest regions.

Cracked earth, from lack of water and baked from the heat of the sun, forms a pattern in the Nature Reserve of Popenguine, Senegal. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

Wetland ecosystems are nature’s most effective water managers, yet they are disappearing three times faster than forests. The destruction of wetlands in urban areas has increased the severity of floods, while the degradation of inland wetlands has led to worsening desertification.

Retno Marsudi
UN Secretary-General Special Envoy on Water

We tend to focus on large-scale water infrastructure projects—dams, pipelines, and desalination plants—to address water shortages. While these projects play an important role, they cannot fully replace the natural functions of wetlands. Wetlands naturally store water, filter pollutants, and regulate floods and droughts, yet their conservation and restoration remain underfunded.

Every wetland lost further weakens our ability to manage water sustainably.

The global water financing gap is estimated at $1 trillion annually, but only a fraction of this goes toward nature-based solutions. Restoring wetlands is often a cost-effective complement to traditional infrastructure, reducing the need for costly flood defences and water treatment facilities. So why does it continue to be undervalued in water governance?

The international community has already taken some important steps in the right direction. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 6 on clean water and sanitation, depend on addressing wetland loss.

Musonda Mumba
Secretary General, Convention on Wetlands

Wetland conservation and restoration are essential to building climate resilience and can no longer be sidelined in global funding mechanisms. Governments must integrate wetland protection into national water policies, and the private sector must step up with investment in ecosystem-based water management.

One truth is undeniable: We must rethink water governance. As co-authors of this piece, we know that solving global water issues requires integrated solutions. The Triple A approach presented at the One Water Summit—Advocate, Align, Accelerate—provides a framework for putting wetlands at the centre of water strategies through collaboration.

The upcoming COP15 of the Convention on Wetlands, hosted in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, in July 2025, presents an opportunity to reinforce commitments to wetland restoration as a solution for water resilience.

Delaying action only deepens losses, as floods and droughts continue to wreak havoc on both people and the planet. Investing in wetlands now prevents far greater costs in the future. Each restored wetland means cleaner water, fewer disasters, and a stronger foundation for resilience.

If we want reliable water both now and for future generations, we must protect the ecosystems that sustain it. Keeping wetlands intact means keeping water flowing—clean, available, and accessible to all.

Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations

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By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Apr 29 2025 – Under the scorching Tanzanian sun, Neema Mushi wipes sweat from her dust-covered face and swings her pickaxe into the earth. The impact sends dust swirling into the air, coating her tattered clothes. She barely notices. For the past eight years, this has been her life—digging, sifting, sieving, and hoping to strike gold in the male-dominated pits of Geita. It is a grueling task riddled with obstacles.

“I want to own a mining pit myself,” she says. “But in this industry, women are always ignored when it comes to land ownership issues.”

Despite years of hard work, women like Mushi remain on the wobbly edge of survival.

One evening, after hours of rock crushing, she spots a tiny twinkle of gold. Before she can pocket it, a male miner comes close to  her.

“This is my spot,” he growls, snatching the gold from her hands. Mushi clenches her fists, knowing she can’t fight back—not in a system that was never built for her.

She once tried to register a mining plot in her name. At the local office, the clerk barely looked up.

“You need your husband’s permission,” he muttered, shuffling papers on his desk. Mushi hesitated—she had no husband, only three children to feed. The clerk shrugged. “Then find a male partner,” he said, waving her away.

Before joining Umoja wa Wanawake Wachimbaji, a cooperative for women miners, Mushi struggled to pay her children’s school fees. Now, she watches them walk to school in clean uniforms, their laughter filling the air. She has struck more than gold—she has found hope.

A group of women miners formed Umoja wa Wanawake Wachimbaji, pooling resources and fighting for a mining license of their own. Credit: Kizito Makoye/IPS

Crushing Male Chauvinism

Tanzania is Africa’s fourth-largest gold producer, with mining contributing nearly 10 percent of the country’s GDP. An estimated one to two million people work in artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and nearly a third of them are women. Yet, despite their numbers, female miners struggle for recognition, battling land ownership restrictions, lack of financing, and discrimination in a sector where men hold the power.

For years, Mushi worked informally at the edges of licensed mines, sifting through gold-bearing rocks discarded by male miners. Without a mining license or land of her own, she relied on middlemen who bought her finds at exploitative prices.

“If you don’t have your own claim, you are at their mercy,” she says. “They can chase you away at any time.”

Tanzania’s mining laws technically allow women to own licenses, but in practice, few manage to acquire them. The bureaucratic process is complex, and costs are prohibitive.

“Most mining land is allocated to men or big companies,” says Alpha Ntayomba, a mining activist and Executive Director of the Population Development Initiative. “Women often end up working on borrowed land or as laborers on someone else’s claim.”

Beyond land rights, financial barriers loom large. Mining requires investment—equipment, processing facilities, and sometimes heavy machinery. But banks see women miners as too risky, denying them loans and locking them into a cycle of dangerous, low-paying work.

As a light rain drizzles, a dozen women trudge through dust-choked paths, carrying heavy sacks of ore on their heads. Many are single mothers, struggling to survive in an industry where they are often underpaid, exploited, and subjected to harassment.

“Women in artisanal mining are at the bottom of the chain,” says Ntayomba. “They do the hardest jobs—crushing rocks, washing ore in mercury-contaminated water—yet they earn the least and are most vulnerable to abuse.”

Sexual Exploitation and Harassment

For many female miners, exploitation is a daily reality. Reports of sexual harassment and coercion in exchange for job opportunities are widespread. Women working in gold-processing areas often depend on male pit owners or brokers to access ore, making them vulnerable to abuse.

“Some women are forced into exploitative relationships just to get access to the gold they help extract,” says Ntayomba. “Sexual favors become a hidden cost of doing business for many women in this sector.”

Many hesitate to report harassment for fear of retaliation or job loss. Others lack the legal knowledge or support networks needed to seek justice.

“I know women who were kicked out of their jobs after rejecting advances from male mine owners,” Ntayomba says. “The system is rigged against them, and the lack of strong legal protections worsens it.”

Health Risks and Mercury Exposure

Beyond exploitation, women in artisanal mining also face severe health risks. Many spend hours washing gold with mercury—a toxic metal that can cause neurological damage and birth defects—without any protective equipment.

“Most women don’t know how dangerous mercury is,” says Ntayomba. “They mix it with their bare hands and inhale toxic fumes, exposing themselves and their children to long-term health problems.”

Activists like Ntayomba are pushing for change through advocacy and training programs. His organization has been lobbying for stricter regulations to protect women’s rights, provide safer mining practices, and ensure equal access to economic opportunities.

“We need the government to recognize women miners as key players in the sector,” he says. “That means formalizing their work, providing safety training, and ensuring they have legal rights to mining claims.”

But progress is slow.

“Women in artisanal mining deserve dignity, fair pay, and protection from exploitation,” Ntayomba emphasizes. “The industry cannot continue to thrive on their suffering.”

Breaking Rocks, Breaking Barriers

Determined to change their fortunes, Mushi and a group of women miners formed Umoja wa Wanawake Wachimbaji, pooling resources and fighting for a mining license of their own—in line with Sustainable Development Goal 8, which focuses on “Decent Work and Economic Growth, a crucial building block for achieving gender equity and women empowerment.

With support from the Tanzania Women Miners Association (TAWOMA) and government programs for female entrepreneurs, they secured a small mining plot and invested in better equipment.

“We had to prove that we belong here,” says Anna Mbwambo, a founding member of the cooperative. “For too long, women have been treated like helpers, not miners.”

For Mushi, the cooperative has changed everything. “Before, I could barely afford school fees for my children,” she says. “Now, I can save, and I dream of expanding.”

Despite persistent challenges, change is underway. Organizations like STAMICO, Tanzania’s State Mining Corporation, are training small-scale miners in safer, more efficient techniques. The government has also established gold-buying centers to ensure fairer prices, reducing women’s dependence on exploitative middlemen.

Internationally, calls for gender inclusivity in mining are growing. The World Bank has pushed for reforms to make the industry more accessible to women, while the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) is advocating for policies that empower female miners.

TAWOMA, which has fought for women’s rights in mining since 1997, continues to push for a future where women are not just included but leading.

“We want to see women owning mines, running businesses, and making decisions,” says its chairwoman.

Carving a New Future

Standing at the edge of her mine, Mushi watches her fellow miners work the land they now own. It is a small plot, overshadowed by larger male-run operations, but to her, it represents something bigger—hope.

“I want my daughters to see that a woman can do anything,” she says. “She can work, she can own it, and she can succeed.”

She grips her pickaxe and swings again, sending another spray of dust into the air. Each strike brings her closer to a future where women miners are not just surviving but thriving.

This article is brought to you by IPS Noram, in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International, in consultative status with the UN’s Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

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By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Apr 28 2025 – They found shoes, hundreds of them, scattered across the dirt floor of an extermination camp in Jalisco state. These abandoned shoes, once belonging to someone’s child, parent or spouse, stand as silent witnesses to Mexico’s deepest national trauma. Alongside charred human remains and makeshift crematoria meant to erase all evidence of humanity, they tell the story of a crisis that has reached industrial-scale proportions.

In March, volunteer search groups uncovered this sprawling death camp operated by the Jalisco New Generation Cartel in Teuchitlán. The discovery wasn’t made by sophisticated government intelligence operations but by mothers, sisters and wives who’ve transformed their personal grief into relentless collective action. For them, the alternative to searching is unthinkable.

Mexico is experiencing a humanitarian catastrophe of staggering proportions. Over 121,000 people have disappeared over the past decades, with 90 per cent of cases occurring since 2006, when then President Felipe Calderón militarised the fight against drug cartels. Add to this the estimated 52,000 unidentified human remains held in morgues across the country and the true scale of this national tragedy begins to unfold.

A web of complicity

What makes Mexico’s crisis particularly sinister is the systematic collusion between arms of the state and organised crime. The Jalisco camp’s proximity to federal security installations raises troubling questions about official complicity and active participation in a system that treats some populations as expendable.

The crisis follows a well-established pattern. In states such as Jalisco and Tamaulipas, criminal organisations collaborate with local authorities to enforce territorial control. They use violence to recruit forced labour, eliminate opposition and instil terror in communities that might otherwise resist. Security forces are often implicated, as seen in the 2014 disappearance of 43 students from the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers’ College, where investigations revealed that military personnel witnessed the attack perpetrated by a criminal organisation but failed to intervene.

Young people and women from poorer backgrounds bear the brunt of this horror. In Jalisco, a third of missing people are between 15 and 29 years old. Women and girls are systematically targeted, with disappearances often linked to human trafficking and sexual exploitation. Ciudad Juárez has become notorious for femicides, with over 2,500 women and girls disappeared and murdered since the 1990s. Migrants transiting through Mexico are vulnerable to abduction for extortion or forced recruitment, as seen in the 2010 San Fernando massacre, when 72 migrants were executed for refusing to work for a criminal group.

Mothers turned activists

Faced with government inaction or complicity, civil society has stepped in. Human rights organisations document disappearances, support victims’ families and demand accountability, including by organising public demonstrations, collaborating with international bodies and bringing cases before international courts. But the most remarkable response comes from grassroots collectives formed by families of the disappeared. Throughout Mexico, hundreds of groups such as Guerreras Buscadoras, predominantly led by women – mothers, wives and sisters of the disappeared – conduct search operations, comb remote areas for clandestine graves, perform exhumations and maintain secure databases to document findings.

Their courage comes at a terrible price. In May 2024, Teresa Magueyal was assassinated by armed men on motorcycles in Guanajuato state after spending three years searching for her son José Luis. She was the sixth mother of a disappeared person to be murdered in Guanajuato within a few months. Another mother, Norma Andrade, has survived two murder attempts. Despite knowing the risks, she and countless others continue their quest for truth and justice.

Years of pressure from civil society culminated in the 2017 General Law on Forced Disappearance, which formally recognised enforced disappearance in national legislation and established a National Search Commission. While a significant achievement, implementation has proven problematic, with inconsistent application across Mexico’s federal system, inadequate information systems, insufficient forensic capacity and minimal penalties for perpetrators.

Time for change

The discovery of the Jalisco extermination camp has generated unprecedented public outrage, sparking nationwide protests. President Claudia Sheinbaum has declared combating disappearances a national priority and announced several initiatives: strengthening the National Search Commission, reforming identity documentation, creating integrated forensic databases, implementing immediate search protocols, standardising criminal penalties, publishing transparent investigation statistics and enhancing victim support services.

For meaningful progress, Mexico must undertake comprehensive reforms that address the structural underpinnings of the crisis. Critical measures include demilitarising public security, strengthening independent prosecutors and forensic institutions, guaranteeing transparent investigations free from political interference and providing sustained support for victims’ families.

The UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances has announced the opening of an urgent procedure examining Mexico’s disappearance crisis – a step that could elevate these cases to the scrutiny of the UN General Assembly. International oversight is needed to ensure state compliance with human rights obligations.

This moment – with public outrage at its peak, presidential commitments on the table and international scrutiny intensifying – creates a potential inflection point for addressing this national trauma. If there was ever a time when conditions favoured substantive action, it’s now.

But whatever happens at the official level, one thing remains certain: Mexico’s mothers of the disappeared will continue their quest. They’ll keep searching abandoned buildings, digging in remote fields and marching in the streets carrying photos of their missing loved ones. They search not because they have hope, but because they have no choice. They search because the alternative is surrender to a system that would prefer they kept silent.

And so they continue, carrying their message to the disappeared and to a state that has failed them: ‘Until we find you, until we find the truth’.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact [email protected]

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