By Emilio Godoy
MEXICO, Apr 7 2025 – Retired blacksmith and mechanic José Hernández nostalgically recalls the passenger trains that once passed through his hometown of Huamantla in the state of Tlaxcala, southeastern Mexico.

“By the age of 15 or 16, I was already using the train. It was the railway that came from Veracruz, passed near Huamantla, and reached” the east of Mexico City, the 99-year-old local chronicler told IPS from his town of over 98,000 inhabitants, located some 160 kilometers from the capital.

The route belonged to the then-state-owned Ferrocarril Mexicano, inaugurated in the mid-19th century and operational until 1976, when passenger trains began to be abandoned in favor of private bus companies.

Freight trains still run through Huamantla, carrying timber, oil, and various goods in containers.”They are not profitable, but they are social projects. It is important to evaluate how they will be implemented to combine commercial and economic elements and thus reduce government subsidies.” —Jaime Paredes

Hernández, who served as Huamantla’s mayor from 1989 to 1991, used to travel to the nearby town of Apizaco, also in Tlaxcala, aboard coal-burning locomotives—a 30-minute journey where a ticket to Mexico City cost about three dollars in today’s money.

“We miss the passenger service; hopefully, it will return soon. Everything in Huamantla is abandoned now. The train used to stop here to load water from a deep well,” he lamented.

To Hernández’s delight, the government of Claudia Sheinbaum, in office since October, is promoting new railway projects to diversify passenger transport. However, the plan faces significant challenges, including profitability and environmental impact.

The first initiative is a 55-kilometer line between Mexico City and Pachuca in Hidalgo, built on an old railbed. Construction began on March 22 without environmental approval—a legal requirement—though the Environment Ministry granted the permit six days later.

The new passenger and freight line has an initial cost of US$2.44 billion, is expected to open in the first half of 2027, and will cross six municipalities in Hidalgo and four in the neighboring state of Mexico.

The second project is a 227-kilometer line between Mexico City and Querétaro, with a preliminary cost of about US$7 billion, passing through 22 municipalities in four states. Construction is set to begin this April.

Both projects are part of the National Railway Development Plan and the National Industrialization and Shared Prosperity Strategy (known as Plan México), launched in January by Sheinbaum as her flagship development program, which also includes investments in electricity, electric vehicle assembly, and microprocessors.

Sheinbaum’s administration is replicating the fast-track approach used for the Maya Train (TM), with the full weight of the state apparatus behind it.

Rail is less polluting than air, sea, or road transport, but the steel and cement required for its infrastructure limit its eco-friendly image.

The Mexican government is also preparing tenders for rail lines from Saltillo to Nuevo Laredo (crossing the Northern states of Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas) and Querétaro to Irapuato (in the states of Querétaro and Guanajuato).

These new lines, expected to start operating between 2027 and 2028, will join seven existing passenger routes, including suburban and tourist railways—three of which are privately concessioned.

From January to October 2024, these railways carried 42.22 million passengers, an 11% increase from the same period in 2023. Most (90%) were suburban passengers, highlighting the need for intercity rail and the challenges of expansion.

A view of downtown Pachuca, the capital of Hidalgo in central Mexico. In March, the government began construction on a passenger and freight rail line between Mexico City and this city, set to begin operations in the first half of 2027. Image: Inafed

Environmental Paradoxes 

Jaime Paredes, an academic at the National Autonomous University of Mexico’s School of Engineering, stresses the need for clear definitions of efficiency, CO₂ emission reductions —the gas generated by human activities responsible for global warming—, and travel times.

“It’s a good tool, but we must evaluate noise pollution, impacts on aquifers, and economic factors. They are not profitable, but they are social projects. It is important to evaluate how they will be implemented to combine commercial and economic elements and thus reduce government subsidies,” he told IPS.

Environmental impact assessments (EIAs) submitted to the Environment Ministry suggest the Pachuca line will have fewer impacts than Querétaro’s.

The Pachuca line will cross seven areas of very low and seven of low ecosystem quality, due to agriculture and human communities, causing 11 negative and seven beneficial environmental impacts. Soil and water contamination are the main concerns, with six protected species identified in the area.

The Querétaro line, however, crosses 12 very low and 30 low ecosystem-quality zones, affecting seven protected natural areas, including Tula National Park in Hidalgo, wetlands in Querétaro, and Xochimilco, which provides ecological services like clean water and air to Mexico City.

Construction will clear vegetation across 90 hectares (five of forest, 0.62 of low jungle). The EIA found 63 threatened plant species and 136 fauna species. Risks include water source disruption, flooding in three sections, land subsidence, air pollution, and ecological fragmentation—though it also predicts socioeconomic benefits like job creation and a stronger economy.

In total, the Querétaro line will have 28 environmental impacts (21 negative, seven positive). The government assumes socioeconomic benefits will outweigh environmental costs, proposing prevention, mitigation, and compensation measures.

While the Pachuca trains will be electric, Querétaro’s will use both electricity and diesel. A key drawback is that Mexico’s electricity largely comes from fossil fuels (especially gas), limiting emissions reductions.

The Pachuca line’s CO₂ emissions are unestimated, while Querétaro’s will emit 37 tons monthly during construction.

Mexico has very few passenger rail routes, and the current government aims to expand this less polluting form of public transport compared to air, sea, and road travel. Image: ARTF

Precedents

Past passenger rail projects offer lessons.

The intercity train connecting western Mexico City with Toluca (known as El Insurgente), under construction since 2014 and partially operational since 2023, saw its budget balloon from US$2.86 billion to US$6.85 billion.

The Maya Train (TM), more tourist-oriented than for local passengers, has not displaced bus travel, according to 2024 reports.

The TM spans 1,500 km across five southern and southeastern states, with five of seven planned sections operational since 2023. The project has faced delays, cost overruns, and environmental violations.

Other indicators raise concerns. CO2 emissions from Mexico’s rail system (freight and passenger) are rising. Diesel consumption nearly tripled between 2021 and late 2023. Emissions from the Suburban Train (linking northern Mexico City and the state of Mexico) have increased since 2021, despite lower electricity use.

Rail expert Paredes recommends updating the 1995 Regulatory Law of Railway Service to “ensure concessionaires and assignees share responsibilities.”

“Users should be part of comprehensive reviews. Clear parameters and indicators are needed to assess environmental impact reduction. Transparency in results would provide certainty. Communities and municipalities must be integrated into plans,” he urged.

Meanwhile, chronicler Hernández hopes for a major push to revive trains across Mexico’s landscapes.

“A strong campaign is needed to attract people. Trains could be as popular as they once were,” he said.

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Apr 7 2025 – The Taliban’s egregious violations of women’s rights in Afghanistan, especially banning women from education and even from speaking in public, are beyond the pale. Imposing economic sanctions alone, however, has not changed in any significant way the Taliban’s treatment of women.

By demonstrating that they understand the Taliban’s cultural heritage and religious beliefs, Western powers, with the support of several Arab states, will be in a better position to persuade the Taliban that respecting women’s rights is consistent with their beliefs and would be greatly beneficial to their country.

Although the Taliban were exposed to democracy, freedom, and equality for both men and women for nearly 20 years during the American presence, they reversed these reforms once they reassumed power following the American withdrawal in August 2021, even though the Afghans embraced such freedoms wholeheartedly. From the Taliban’s perspective, these reforms were contrary to their beliefs and way of life.

The Taliban’s Egregious Women’s Rights Violations

In 2021, the Taliban banned all education for girls beyond the sixth grade, which has deprived a total of 2.2 million girls and women of their right to education. UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell stated last month that the ban continues to harm the future of millions of Afghan girls, and that over four million girls will have been deprived of an education beyond the primary level if the ban persists for another five years. Accordingly, she said, “The consequences for these girls – and for Afghanistan – are catastrophic.”

Since 2021, Afghan women have faced unimaginable oppression. Beyond education bans, the Taliban forced women to cover themselves completely, with criminal penalties for those who refuse to comply. In December 2024, they announced their plan to shut down all NGOs employing women over so-called dress code violations.

Their voices are literally silenced through an August 2024 law that bans women from speaking outside the home. Their rights are stripped away, and their resistance met with brutality. In the shadows of war and conflict, women and girls endure unimaginable suffering, facing heightened levels of gender-based violence, including arbitrary killings, torture, and forced marriage and sexual violence, leaving deep physical and emotional scars.

The Taliban are not oblivious to these findings, as some officials have publicly argued against some bans, but they nevertheless continue to violate women’s rights under the pretext of their bans being consistent with their religious and traditional role in Afghan society.

The Taliban are predominantly from the Pashtun tribes, which are indigenous to the region and have a strong tribal structure and cultural traditions, which influenced the Taliban’s socio-political orientation.

The Historic Perspective

To better understand the Taliban’s mindset, which reflects their resilience and extremism against foreign domination, it is important to reflect briefly on Afghanistan’s history. The region now known as Afghanistan was a target for invaders as early as the sixth century BCE, facing scores of foreign invaders up through the US-led invasion in 2001, yet has shown great resilience against foreign domination, as invaders repeatedly faced fierce resistance and were ultimately forced to withdraw.

Across centuries, Afghanistan has consistently defied foreign powers, earning its reputation as the “graveyard of empires.” The Taliban’s emergence as a movement was, in large part, a response to the chaos and power vacuum left by the Soviet withdrawal in 1990. They rose to power in 1996 and were ousted by the US-led invasion in 2001.

Afghan religious extremism stems from several factors. The U.S. and its allies funded and armed mujahideen fighters during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, fostering radical ideologies. Saudi-funded schools in Pakistan taught extreme Deobandi and Wahhabi ideologies to Afghan refugees, who returned to Afghanistan to fight in the Afghan Civil War.

Following the departure of the Soviets, the Taliban imposed puritanical Islam rooted in Deobandi ideology and ethnic and political manipulation. Extremism was used to consolidate power, suppress minorities, and resist foreign influence.

Cutting aid alone is not the answer

It is necessary for global powers to hold the Taliban accountable for gender persecution and take punitive actions, including cutting off financial aid; however, thus far, imposing economic sanctions alone has not yielded the desired results.

The Taliban’s harsh treatment of women remains unabated, and to effect a real change, the West must change its strategy.

While the threat of more sanctions should continue to hover over the Taliban’s heads, to effect the necessary changes to improve women’s rights, the West should take systematic measures that align with the group’s cultural and religious teachings.

Working with influential Muslim-majority countries, including Indonesia, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, which is the leader of Sunni Islam, is key in order to challenge the Taliban’s interpretation of Sharia law while highlighting Quranic principles of equality and historical examples of female scholarship in Islam.

In Afghanistan, the restrictions on women’s rights, including education and dress codes, are based on interpretations of Islamic law and cultural practices rather than direct Quranic edicts. To demonstrate to the Taliban leaders that respecting women’s human rights complements rather than compromises their cultural and religious beliefs, the West’s Arab and Muslim partners should cite Quranic verses to make the case.

The first revelation to Prophet Muhammad begins with the command to “read,” which is seen as a universal call to acquire knowledge. Surah Al-Tawbah (9:71) emphasizes the equal responsibility of men and women in seeking knowledge and upholding moral values. Surah Al-Hadid (57:25) promotes education as a means to establish justice and equity in society.

Moreover, the Quran does not explicitly state that women should be segregated from men, nor that they must wear a hijab. Surah An-Nur (24:30-31) instructs both men and women to be modest and guard their private parts, certainly not their heads or faces, but the Taliban interprets this to support the wearing of a burqa that covers Afghan women from head to toe.

In that regard, the West should provide aid to Afghan clerics who advocate for girls’ education and women’s rights within Islamic teachings, and invoke women’s literacy in Afghanistan before the rise of the Taliban to encourage those clerics.

Additionally, targeted economic support for infrastructure projects and agricultural investments should be offered in exchange for reopening girls’ secondary schools or permitting women’s employment in the health and education sectors while emphasizing the economic cost of excluding women.

In conjunction with that, preferential trade terms for Afghan products produced by women should be provided while highlighting how educated women improve public health outcomes for all.

The West should also support community-based schools and computer and science training for women and girls, which reliable local NGOs should administer, and provide safe channels for women activists to air their grievances. Culturally, the West should invest in programs showcasing women artists, poets, and historians as custodians of Afghanistan’s cultural heritage.

In that regard, the media should be used to disseminate success stories of Muslim-majority countries, like Bangladesh and the UAE, where women’s education and employment coexist with cultural and religious values.

By combining religious dialogue, economic pragmatism, and grassroots movements to empower women, the West should pursue incremental progress, which will be more sustainable than seeking instantaneous change.

Recalling the way the Afghan people were treated by foreign powers over the centuries, the Taliban have developed an instinctive adversarial reaction to anything proposed by any foreign power.

This certainly does not justify their treatment of women, but they need to be persuaded, however, that the proposed changes can only benefit their country’s socio-economic conditions while respecting women’s rights, without compromising their cultural and religious beliefs.

IPS UN Bureau

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Excerpt:

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU). He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

By External Source
KABUL, Apr 7 2025 – Women in Afghanistan have borne the brunt of the Taliban’s extremist Islamist rule. Four years on, there appears to be no end in sight.

In a country where women are denied the right to education, work and the freedom to travel without the company of a mahram – a male family member – the Taliban now seek to erase what little remains of women’s autonomy, even going so far as to confiscate their cosmetics.

In February this year, the Taliban launched house raids to seize women’s beauty products, yet another act that marks a new low in their campaign to oppress and exclude women from pubilc and private life.

Afghan women are no longer safe even within the four walls of their own homes; frequently subjected to humiliation, threats of violence and no longer even have a choice over their personal belongings

As Farida, (pseudonym) a woman from Sar-e-Pul city in northern Afghanistan recounts the shocking incident, “I was sitting at home that day when suddenly there was a loud banging on the door. My heart started pounding. My husband opened the door with trembling hands, and before he could utter a word, armed men in white clothes burst into the house”.

“They searched every room and turned everything upside down in our home”, she said, “as if a burglar had entered the house, but this time, the burglars were the very people who consider themselves rulers of this land”.

They hurled out everything, said Farida, while one of them picked up a lipstick and with contempt, said, “This is disgraceful! Muslim women don’t need this”, and carried the cosmetics away in a bag.

Afghan women are no longer safe even within the four walls of their own homes; frequently subjected to humiliation, threats of violence and no longer even have a choice over their personal belongings.

With tears in her eyes Farida said, “I felt like they had crushed my entire being”, in reference to the raid, “it was no longer just an attack on collecting cosmetics; it was an attack on our dignity. It felt as if all our rights and privileges as women had been stripped away,” she says.

Buying and selling cosmetics in Sar-e-Pul city has not been an issue, but following a recent tip off, members of the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice happened to have seized all cosmetics while conducting a search for women’s hair salons and beauty parlours who were operating secretly in the area.

Tamana, (pseudonym) a 22-year-old woman in Sar e Pol city who was prevented from furthering her education, chose hairdressing to support herself, but she is now in despair.

In a telephone conversation, she said, “all I wanted was to complete my studies and become a doctor but unfortunately, with the arrival of the Taliban, we were denied the opportunity to continue further.

“For a year”, Tamana said, “I ran a hair salon at home, where women would come secretly – mostly at night – and receive beauty and makeup services”.

The Taliban have begun raiding homes in Afghanistan to prevent women from using makeup. Credit: Learning Together.

But according to her, that ended when spies tipped off the Taliban and they attacked their house, destroyed all the furniture, seized all the makeup, and made them promise not to do that again.

“Now, I have no other source of income”, she complained, and asked, “Why are they so afraid of women? Why can’t they show us mercy even in our own homes?”

Tamana complained bitterly that the beauty services she provided to women was her only source of income, which supported her elderly father who works “tirelessly from morning until night, repairing people’s shoes, but earns very little to make ends meet”.

To Farida, seizing women’s cosmetics “makes no sense”. As she points out, “buying and selling cosmetics is freely available in shops around the city, and women have no difficulty buying them”.

Besides that, she say, “women like me, who are currently housewives with no jobs, cannot afford a wide range of cosmetics. Therefore, “we have only basic cosmetics such as makeup, eye shadow, mascara, eyeliner, lipstick, nail polish, and perfume, which we mostly use for weddings and birthday parties”.

Given that situation, the Taliban’s raids on people’s homes and seizing cosmetics is seen as more than just a repressive act. Rather, it reflects the Taliban’s fear of women’s independent identity and their femininity. For the Taliban, the capacity of women to make decisions for themselves, even concerning the most private matters, is a threat to their rule.

They want to turn the women of Afghanistan into obedient, colourless, and voiceless beings. To the Taliban, wearing makeup, even in its simplest form, is a sign of a women’s desire for beauty, identity, and independence, and that has to be crushed.

The consequence of the house raids is that women become anxious and fearful; they even decide to destroy their own cosmetics. In doing so, they are not just discarding belongings—they are casting away a part of themselves and their sense of identity.

“The fierce faces of the Taliban are still in my mind and continuously haunt me”, recalls Tamana”, after the raid was conducted. “After they left, I felt worthless. It was as if nothing was left of me. They not only took our cosmetics, they took our hope and self-esteem with them.”

But despite all the repressions, Afghan women have not given up. They persist in their silent resistance, subtly demonstrating admirable courage.

In spite of the restrictions, they have not abandoned their dreams, hoping that one day, the darkness will lift and light will shine on Afghan women once again.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

By Yasmine Sherif
NEW YORK, Apr 7 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Education is an essential investment in providing health to those left furthest behind.

On World Health Day, we must connect the dots between education and health in humanitarian crisis settings. A child attending school gets vaccinations and healthcare, a nutritious meal and mental health and psychosocial services. By funding education, we optimize our investments to cover multiple sectors in one investment, such as health.

“The link between education, health and well-being is clear. Education develops the skills, values and attitudes that enable learners to lead healthy and fulfilled lives, make informed decisions and engage in positive relationships with everyone around them,” according to UNESCO.

At the same time, poor health, hunger, war-trauma and diseases negatively impact academic performance, especially in humanitarian emergencies.

According to UNICEF, humanitarian investments in education and health have substantial returns. Every $1 invested in children and their well-being yields a ten-fold societal return.

Education Cannot Wait (ECW) and our strategic partners deliver speedy and lifesaving quality education on the frontlines of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises. In places like Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti and Cameroon, this means healthy school meals, greater nutrition, safe classrooms and access to public health initiatives that are available at the beginning of school.

Right now, we are making impossible decisions on humanitarian funding that put millions of lives at risk. The most effective way of utilizing financial means is to ensure multiple impact or a holistic and cross-sectoral approach.

Education is one of the single best investments we can make, while also ensuring healthy lives for all. Not the least for the 234 million children and adolescents who today endure unspeakable crises with no other hope than to attend school, survive and thrive. This is what it is all about: the humanitarian imperative is about saving their lives.

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Excerpt:

World Health Day Statement by Education Cannot Wait Director Yasmine Sherif

By Joyce Chimbi
NAIROBI, Apr 7 2025 – The world’s leading scientists and decision-makers in agriculture, climate, and health are meeting in Nairobi this week to promote innovation and partnerships towards a food, nutrition, and climate-secure future. As current agrifood systems buckle under multiple challenges, nearly one in 11 people globally and one in five people in Africa go hungry every day.

Recognizing the urgency of these challenges, CGIAR and the Kenyan Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO) have convened the very first CGIAR Science Week, April 7 to 12, 2025, at the UN Complex. In this regard, a high-level opening plenary session today underscored an unwavering commitment to international agricultural research.

During the opening plenary, CGIAR’s Executive Managing Director Ismahane Elouafi told the audience that the food crisis was depressing. “We are faced with one of the food shortage crises in history… We have seen emerging conflicts in so many parts of the world. We have also seen climate change that is accelerating and showing us how bad it is in different parts of the world.

“And this is bad for all of us, but imagine how bad it is for a woman that doesn’t have food for her kids.”

However, this is where science comes to the fore.

“This week marks a pivotal moment in our shared journey towards transforming global agriculture and food systems. CGIAR is unwavering in our commitment to advancing groundbreaking agricultural science that is sustainable, inclusive, and rooted in the belief that research, innovation, and collaboration are the keys to overcoming the complex challenges facing agri-food systems today,” Elouafi said.

There was a lot of emphasis on the role of youth and ensuring they were part of the solution, especially in the global South.

Elouafi welcomed students to the Science Week and said she hoped they would remain committed to the South.

“Go to agriculture, because we all need food, and you could be the solution in the future,” she said.

“And in all honesty, I used to introduce myself as a girl from the South that made it to the North… and it was a success… I want, really,  the kids in the south to go out saying, ‘I’m a girl from the South and I am staying in the South.’”

While officially opening the science conference, Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi said it was a privilege to represent the President, who is “himself a scientist. In fact, the first scientist president that Kenya has had. The theme of this year’s assembly is timely, considering the unprecedented environmental and food security challenges that the world faces today.”

“The only way forward is through scientific research and on the stakeholders of our country. I am proud to be a member of the National Coalition of Colonists, providing employment for over 60 percent of our population, significantly contributing to national armament and ensuring food security for millions of people.”

“The sector faces immense challenges, from climate change and extreme weather conditions, land deprivation, soil infertility, food insecurity and malnutrition, post-harvest losses, unlimited access to technology, financing, and investments, and of course, confidence. This Science Week is a defining moment. It gives us an opportunity to engage in how to mitigate these challenges.”

As major and connected global challenges threaten the sustainability of food, land, and water systems, global and regional leaders in research, policy, and development say tackling these disruptions requires continued strengthening of collaborative efforts and strategic partnerships towards agri-food systems that are sustainable, resilient, inclusive, and can nourish both people and planet.

A Council of the Wise, a panel session graced by distinguished personalities in Africa, spoke about issues such as politics, policy, and science, and the place of women and youth in transforming agrifood systems. Ameenah Gurib–Fakim, Former President of Mauritius, asked, “Where are the women in Africa in agriculture? What I’m going to say next is not a political statement; it is a fact. Women feed Africa. Where is the technology? Where is the empowerment for our African girls and women?”

“How do we empower them with the technologies? How do we empower them with the capacity to go and open their bank account? How do we empower them to access land? These are issues we have to tackle. Because after all, African food is produced mostly by smallholder farmers, and many of them are women. So, looking at the challenges across Africa, we really have to look at it through the gender lens.”

Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, Former Prime Minister of Nigeria and African Union Special Envoy for Food Systems, spoke about population growth and the challenges facing agrifood systems. “In the 60s, the total population of the African continent was about 300 million and we had relative subsistence. Today, we are 1.5 billion people. And in between, between the 60s and today, a lot of things have happened. Progresses and improvements have been made. We have seen food and agriculture strategically implemented, continentally, regionally, and nationally.”

“We have seen our networks of research, science, and innovation really get a significant momentum. But the demographics have beaten the games that we are playing. So, the conclusion that needs to be drawn from that picture is that we need to accelerate. And… we need to do more with less. We know the challenges in terms of productivity, production, land, immigration, and climate. We have the technical answers. The question now is how do we add political solutions to these technical solutions, the scientific solutions, and the innovative solutions? We need political solutions.”

Towards this end, experts and participants from around the globe will explore transformative solutions to the complex challenges facing agri-food systems, such as water scarcity, biodiversity loss, and extreme weather events. Recognizing their intersection while also reflecting on past successes and lessons learned in embracing solutions centered on inclusivity, partnership, and innovation.

There is an emphasis on sustained global investment in innovation, technology, and science as the most effective tools to deliver food, nutrition, and climate security for all, and more so, the most vulnerable people and communities who are increasingly burdened by heightened food insecurity, poverty, and social inequality as unprecedented multiple, complex challenges converge.

Mohamed Beavogui, former Prime Minister, the Republic of Guinea, said that responses to the food and nutrition challenges have not been adequate. Lands are degrading fast. “To date, we are still using about 20 kilograms of fertilizer per hectare while others are using more than 137 kilograms per hectare. Yet, climate change is giving us chaotic rains, droughts, and floods.”

“We do not have, on the ground at least, the right resources. And then, our farmers lack finance, access to technology, etc. And moreover, those who are living between agriculture and the ground, women, are excluded. But there is good news, and a lot of good news; there is a lot of innovation everywhere you look and we need to move it from the lab to the land to the plate.”

Importantly, agricultural research and science is a means to economic stability and gender equality. Given the enormity of the task at hand, the CGIAR is positioning the week as a platform to enhance regional and global partnerships with an aim to scale scientific innovations and solutions but also to reinforce local community-bred practices that work.

Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan, Former President of Nigeria who holds a doctorate degree in hydrobiology, spoke of the critical need to have leaders who are aware of the usefulness of science. Stressing that science is a mindset that focuses on problem-solving and that this mindset is a key issue towards solving the challenges facing humanity today.

“In Africa, our leaders spend more time thinking about how to get to leadership and hold on to leadership than thinking about the people. We have to spend more time thinking about the people. Even when the President is not a scientist, they can put the right people, experts and competent people, in the right places. It is about the President having the political will and commitment to move the country forward and adopt science and technology to solve agricultural problems.”

Overall, the Science Week is an opportunity to use the best science, innovation, research, and existing knowledge within communities to draw the most effective roadmap into a future where agrifood systems and interconnected issues of climate change, environment, biodiversity, and water can harmoniously converge to produce the best possible outcomes for both planet and humanity.
IPS UN Bureau Report,

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By Edgardo Ayala
CANDELARIA DE LA FRONTERA, El Salvador, Apr 7 2025 – In Central America’s Dry Corridor, climatic conditions hinder water and food production because rainfall in this ecoregion—from May to December—is less predictable than in the rest of the isthmus.

Cristian Castillo knows this firsthand. The young Salvadoran farmer had just planted tomatoes on his small plot of land, less than a hectare in size, when the hand-dug well he planned to use for irrigation ran dry.

“I had a well, but due to (earth) tremors, the (aquifer’s) veins closed up, and the water stopped flowing,” Castillo told IPS, standing beside his home and field in the rural village of Paraje Galán, a community of 400 families in the Candelaria de la Frontera district, western El Salvador.



But with or without tremors—common in this country of six million people—it’s not unusual for wells to dry up in the Dry Corridor due to prolonged droughts during the rainy season. Without water, there’s no way to grow crops or raise cattle and pigs, which are vital for the survival of local communities.

Stretching 1,600 kilometers, the Dry Corridor covers 35% of Central America and is home to more than 10.5 million people.

According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), over 73% of the rural population in this belt lives in poverty, and 7.1 million people suffer from severe food insecurity.

Central America, a region of seven countries with a combined population of 50 million, faces deep social inequalities.

Aware of the harsh climatic conditions in the Dry Corridor, around 25 municipalities in the neighboring countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador formed the Trinational Border Association of the Lempa River in 2007. This regional, non-governmental initiative promotes sustainable development projects in their territories.

One such project encourages rainwater harvesting techniques, helping families build collection tanks to irrigate their crops.

Castillo is among those who benefited from the construction of one such tank, with a storage capacity of 10 cubic meters, equivalent to 50 large drums.

“I’ll pump all the collected rainwater to the upper part of the property where the tomato crop is,” explained Castillo, 36.

In the neighboring village of Cristalina, still within the jurisdiction of Candelaria de la Frontera, the Trinational Association was one of the organizations that helped install a potable water distribution tank that now serves about a hundred families who previously lacked this service.

“We had hand-dug wells here, but they weren’t enough anymore. When the (water) project came, we were overjoyed because we would finally have water available all the time,” Cristalina resident Gladis Chamuca, 57, told IPS.

By CIVICUS
Apr 4 2025 –  

CIVICUS speaks with Daniel Simons, Senior Legal Counsel Strategic Defence for Greenpeace International, about the lawsuit brought by an oil and gas company against Greenpeace and its broader implications for civil society. Greenpeace is a global network of environmental organisations campaigning on issues such as climate change, disarmament, forests, organic farming and peace.

Daniel Simons

In March, a North Dakota jury ruled that Greenpeace in the USA and Greenpeace International should pay damages of over US$660 million to Energy Transfer, which filed lawsuits alleging that Greenpeace instigated resistance against the Dakota Access Pipeline in 2016 and 2017 and caused operational disruptions and financial losses. The protests were led by Indigenous communities, particularly the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, and focused on water protection and tribal rights. Energy Transfer claims the pipeline was properly regulated and provides economic benefits. Civil society has condemned the legal action as a SLAPP – a strategic lawsuit against public participation – designed to silence criticism. Greenpeace is appealing.

What prompted Energy Transfer to take legal action against Greenpeace?

The route of the Dakota Access Pipeline crosses underneath the Missouri River a short distance from the reservation of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe. In April 2016, tribal members set up prayer encampments to express their opposition to the construction. They worried that sites of cultural importance would be damaged, and that the pipeline might contaminate the river, the Tribe’s water source.

Energy Transfer took a number of provocative actions. It sued the Tribe’s chairperson and other participants in the Indigenous resistance, and not long after, bulldozed an area less than 24 hours after the Tribe had filed a declaration in court stating there were burial grounds and resources of cultural significance in the area. These events coincided with a huge growth in attention for and attendance at the camp.

Energy Transfer alleges that the Greenpeace defendants were somehow the masterminds, coming in and secretly organising everything that happened during the Standing Rock protests, and that this included trespassing, property damage and creating public nuisance. The company also accuses the Greenpeace defendants of defamation, complaining about nine statements in particular. Additionally, Energy Transfer claims Greenpeace’s actions delayed the refinancing of the pipeline’s construction loan, causing financial harm to the company.

What was Greenpeace’s actual involvement in the protests and its relationship with Indigenous communities?

Greenpeace – including Greenpeace Inc and Greenpeace Fund, both based in the USA, and Greenpeace International, a Dutch foundation – played only a limited role in the protests. Greenpeace Inc had some connections to the Indigenous communities at Standing Rock; as I understand it, the relationship was respectful but not extensive.

Greenpeace Inc supported the protests by funding five trainers from an independent Indigenous network to provide training on non-violent direct action for two weeks, conducting supply drives for the camps, providing short-term staff mainly to help with preparing the camp for winter and donating some lock boxes that protesters could use to form a human chain, although no evidence suggests they were ever used. It also published articles and co-signed two letters to banks containing the nine statements Energy Transfer now claims are defamatory. These statements had already been widely reported by media and United Nations bodies before Greenpeace’s involvement.

According to an Indigenous activist who testified in court, Greenpeace Inc was present but followed the lead of people on the ground. Its involvement was so minimal that most tribal nations at Standing Rock wouldn’t even have been aware of it. The activist described claims that Greenpeace controlled the resistance as ‘paternalistic’ and emphasised that many Indigenous leaders had the ability to run a complex movement and engage with media themselves.

Greenpeace International’s only relevant action was signing an open letter led by the Dutch civil society organisation BankTrack, alongside 500 other organisations. Meanwhile, Greenpeace Fund had no involvement in the Standing Rock resistance, yet Energy Transfer argues that sharing resources such as office space and contact details with Greenpeace Inc makes it liable.

How is Greenpeace defending itself and what impact has the lawsuit had on its operations?

We argue that Energy Transfer has greatly exaggerated our role in the protests and is attempting to recover costs that are all unrelated to our actions. There is just no evidence of any link between the Greenpeace defendants’ activities and the damages the company claims. And there is certainly no link to any act of violence or property damage.

Greenpeace International has also taken legal action in the Netherlands, using the new European Union anti-SLAPP directive for the first time to challenge what we view as an attempt to drain our resources and silence dissent. Defending ourselves has required significant financial and personnel resources. While Greenpeace has the capacity to fight back, there are concerns that such lawsuits could deter smaller or less experienced organisations from challenging the powerful US oil and gas industry – which appears to be one of the goals of this case.

What are the next steps in the legal proceedings and how do you see this case resolving?

While the jury has reached a verdict that decided the Greenpeace defendants must pay US$666 million for defamation and the other claims, the judge still needs to enter a final judgment. There are obvious issues with jury verdict and we are in the process of challenging those. Greenpeace Inc and Greenpeace Fund have already announced they will appeal to the North Dakota Supreme Court. Meanwhile, Greenpeace International is pursuing its case against Energy Transfer in the District Court of Amsterdam, with the first procedural hearing scheduled for 2 July.

The battle is far from over. Greenpeace is determined to defeat these claims and hold Energy Transfer accountable for filing repeated SLAPP suits. This fight extends beyond Greenpeace – it concerns the protection of freedom of expression. An attack on one is an attack on all, and we hope civil society will stand with us.

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Italy: ‘Authoritarian tendencies manifest themselves in efforts to control information and stifle dissent’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Ilaria Masinara 22.Jun.2024
Europe: ‘Members states must introduce national anti-SLAPP legislation to protect public watchdogs’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Francesca Borg Constanzi 21.Mar.2024
How SLAPPs undermine democracy: a case study of the USA CIVICUS 02.Jul.2018

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By Richarlls Martins and Rajat Khosla
GENEVA / RIO DE JANEIRO, Apr 4 2025 – As global leaders prepare to convene for the Commission on Population and Development (CPD) in New York, April 7-11, the world finds itself at a critical crossroads. We can either recommit to human dignity, equality, and justice—or risk unraveling decades of progress in global health.

Central to this choice is the urgent need to prioritize sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) as the bedrock of sustainable development. This is not just a health agenda—it is a human rights imperative.

Globally, over 164 million women still have an unmet need for modern contraception.¹ Every day, more than 800 women die from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth² , and over 73 million induced abortions occur annually, of which 45% are unsafe,³ the vast majority in low- and middle-income countries.

The UN sexual and reproductive health agency, UNFPA, has appealed for $1.4 billion to safeguard the rights and well-being of women, girls and youth in 57 crisis-affected countries in the coming year. Credit: UNFPA/Ralph Tedy Erol

In many countries, young people—especially girls—continue to face systemic barriers to accessing comprehensive sexuality education and adolescent-friendly health services, undermining their autonomy and well-being.

In Brazil, we have made significant strides over the past decades. The country’s Unified Health System (SUS) has played a critical role in expanding access to maternal and reproductive health services, including free family planning, prenatal care, and safe delivery services.

Brazil’s National Policy for Comprehensive Women’s Health Care and the Stork Network (Rede Cegonha), launched in 2011, have aimed to ensure a continuum of care for women before, during, and after pregnancy.⁴ These initiatives represent the kind of people-centered, rights-based approaches we need more of globally.

Yet the work is far from over.

Despite improvements in access to care, Brazil continues to face deep inequalities. Maternal mortality remains disproportionately high among Black, Indigenous, and low-income women. Unsafe abortions persist as a major public health issue, particularly in regions where access to legal services is limited or stigmatized.

Adolescents—especially in rural areas and marginalized communities—often encounter barriers to sexual and reproductive health information, including fear, judgment, and lack of confidentiality.

In 2024, the Brazilian government launched the Alyne Network, a restructuring strategy for the former Rede Cegonha, whose goal is to reduce maternal mortality by 25% in the country. In addition to expanding actions focused on maternal and child health, with an investment of R$400 million in 2024 and R$1 billion in 2025, the new program seeks to reduce maternal mortality among black women by 50% by 2027.

The initiative pays tribute to the young black woman Alyne Pimentel, who died at the age of 28, while pregnant and the victim of medical negligence. The young woman’s case led Brazil to become the first country condemned for maternal death by the Global Human Rights System worldwide.

The CPD offers a pivotal opportunity to galvanize political will and place SRHR at the center of health and development agendas—not just in Brazil, but globally. As governments assess progress on the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), it is essential that they reaffirm the full spectrum of SRHR as non-negotiable and indivisible from broader development goals.

Investing in SRHR yields powerful dividends. For every dollar spent on modern contraceptive methods, governments can save up to $3 in maternal and newborn health care costs.⁵ Women and girls who can make decisions about their bodies and reproductive lives are more likely to finish school, participate in the workforce, and contribute to economic growth.

In fact, evidence shows that fulfilling the unmet need for contraception alone could prevent 70,000 maternal deaths annually and reduce unintended pregnancies by over 70%.⁶

Moreover, SRHR is a gateway to gender equality, resilience, and social inclusion. It is also a matter of justice. For populations pushed to the margins—people of color, Indigenous peoples, LGBTQIA+ communities, people with disabilities—SRHR is too often the frontline of discrimination.

In Brazil, we have seen how the lack of culturally sensitive care and structural racism in health services deepen health disparities. Addressing these inequities demands intersectional policies and intentional investments in inclusive systems of care.

Brazil has the tools—and the responsibility—to lead. Through its National Commission on Population and Development, Brazil is working to align national priorities of population issues with the Sustainable Development Goals, including SDG 3 on health and well-being and SDG 5 on gender equality. But this leadership must be mirrored and matched globally.

At this year’s CPD, we call on all countries to:

● Reaffirm SRHR as a core component of universal health coverage and the right to health;
● Expand funding for integrated, rights-based sexual and reproductive health services;
● Ensure youth-led participation and accountability in policy-making processes;
● Protect human rights defenders and health providers from discrimination and violence.

The Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health (PMNCH) and National Commission on Population and Development of Brazil stand united in this call. SRHR is not a siloed issue—it is central to health, equity, and the full realization of human potential.

In a world shaped by crisis—whether conflict, climate change, or pandemics—we must not lose sight of the simple truth: When people, especially women and girls, have control over their own bodies, they build stronger communities, healthier economies, and a more just world.

Let CPD 2025 be remembered as the moment we put people first—by putting SRHR at the heart of our global commitments.

¹ World Family Planning 2022 Meeting the changing needs for family planning: Contraceptive use by age and method. UNDESA. 2022. https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/sites/www.un.org.development.desa.pd/files/files/documents/2023/Feb/undesa_pd_2022_world-family-planning.pdf

⁶ ibid

Dr. Richarlls Martins is President of National Commission on Population and Development of Brazil (CNPD). Rajat Khosla is the Executive Director of the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health (PMNCH).

IPS UN Bureau

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By Kizito Makoye
UKARA, Tanzania(, Apr 4 2025 – The night after her husband was laid to rest, 24-year-old Vivian Magesa sat in the dimly lit brick-walled house, surrounded by women from her late husband’s family. She had spent the past few days in mourning, wrapped in a white shroud, her head shaved as custom dictated. But as the hushed voices of her in-laws filled the room, Magesa realized her grief was far from over.

“It’s time,” one of the older women told her, pulling her up by the arm. Magesa’s heart pounded. She knew what came next. She had to be cleansed.

On Tanzania’s Lake Victoria’s Ukerewe Island, where the Kerewe, Jita, and Kara ethnic groups dominate, widowhood is not merely about loss—it is a transformation, a passage that demands rituals to separate the living from the dead. And for a young  woman like Magesa, whose husband perished in a grisly boat accident while fishing, it means submitting to a practice deeply ingrained into the island’s culture: widow cleansing—a sexual rite that forces women into intimacy with a relative of their deceased husband or, in some cases, a total stranger, all in the name of purification.

A ritual steeped in fear and tradition

In Ukerewe, as in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, widowhood is seen as a spiritual contamination. It is believed that if a widow does not undergo cleansing, the spirit of her deceased husband will haunt the entire bereaved family, bringing misfortune or even death. To prevent this, tradition dictates that she must sleep with a widower from her late husband’s clan and later with a man outside the village—someone who has no connection to her or the family.

“This is how it has always been done,” said Verdiana Lusomya, an elder from the Kara community. “Without cleansing, a widow is untouchable. She cannot cook for her children. She cannot interact freely with others. The curse must be lifted.”

But for many widows, the ritual is not a choice. It is a decree, enforced by family pressure, fear of ostracization, and, in some cases, outright coercion.

A widow’s dilemma

For widows like Magesa, refusal is not an easy option. “When I said no, they told me my children would lose their right to inherit land,” she told IPS. “They said if I refused, I would bring bad luck to my family.”

Another widow, 42-year-old Jenoveva Mujungu, faced a similar ultimatum. She stood her ground for two years, clinging to her Christian faith, but the pressure never ceased. “In the end, I did it,” she admitted. “Not because I believed in it, but because I was tired of being treated like an outcast.”

In some cases, women who refuse the ritual are expelled from their marital homes. Their belongings are thrown out, their children taken away, their connection to the family severed.

“It’s a form of punishment,” said Prisca Jeremiah, an activist from the Mwanza-based Upendo Women’s Rights Organization. “The message is clear: comply or suffer.”

The men who profit from tradition

In Butiriti village, Ukerewe district, the Omwesye—or village cleansers—perform the ritual for a price. They are often men with no formal jobs, sometimes alcoholics, paid a small fee or given livestock for their service. “Some of them are dirty, unkempt,” said one widow, her voice filled with disgust. “They do it for the money, not for the tradition.”

One community health worker on the island noted that some cleansers attempt to protect themselves by inserting herbs into a widow’s body before intercourse, believing it will shield them from disease. But the widows suffer the consequences, often developing infections.

The health consequences of widow cleansing

Health experts warn that widow cleansing is a gateway for HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections. With no protection used and with some cleansers involved in multiple rituals, the practice fuels a silent health crisis.

“Widows are already vulnerable,” said Furaha Sangawe, a general medical practitioner at Nansio District Hospital. “This ritual makes them even more so. It exposes them to diseases, trauma, and lifelong psychological scars.”

A community torn between change and tradition

Despite the growing awareness of the ritual’s dangers, change is slow. Many on Ukerewe still believe that skipping the cleansing ritual brings bad luck. Elders argue that the practice ensures that family land remains within the clan and prevents widows from remarrying outside their husband’s lineage.

But a rising number of women, emboldened by education and activism, are pushing back. Some are turning to the church for symbolic cleansing, seeking blessings from priests instead of submitting to sex with a cleanser. Others are simply refusing.

“I have not been cleansed, and I am still here,” said Miriam Majole, a 69-year-old widow who defied tradition. “Nothing bad has happened to me or my children.”

Organizations like Kikundi Cha Mila na Desturi Ukerewe (KIMIDEU) are working to educate communities about the harms of the practice. But the fight is uphill. Even as awareness grows, fear holds many women in its grip.

A future without widow cleansing?

For Magesa, the night of her cleansing was one of the darkest in her life. “I felt like I had died a second time,” she said. “But I did not have a choice since the pressure was so high?”

Now, she speaks in hushed tones about her hopes for her twin daughters “I want them to have a different life,” she said. “I pray that one day, this ritual will be a thing of the past.”

As Tanzania modernizes, the battle between cultural tradition and human rights intensifies. For now, on the remote island of Ukerewe, many widows remain trapped in a cycle they cannot escape—a ritual performed not for their healing, but for the comfort of those who refuse to let go of the past.

IPS UN Bureau Report,

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By Sanskrita Bharadwaj
WARMAWSAW, Meghalaya, India, Apr 3 2025 – As light enters through the small window of a modestly constructed tin-roofed house, Philim Makri sits on a chair deftly spinning cocoons of eri silk with the help of a solar-powered spinning machine in Warmawsaw village in Ri Bhoi district of Meghalaya in northeast India.

Makri belongs to the indigenous Khasi tribe of Meghalaya and is one of the several women from the region who has benefitted from solar-powered spinning machines.

In India’s northeastern states like Assam and Meghalaya, silkworm rearing and weaving are common among several rural and tribal communities. Ri-Bhoi district of Meghalaya, where Makri is from, is among the regions where eri culture is deeply rooted in tradition and is often passed on from one generation to the other.

The process of spinning and weaving eri is mainly carried out by women. Before switching to the solar-powered spinning machines in 2018, Makri used a traditional hand-held ‘takli’ or spindle. She would open the empty eri cocoons, draft the fibers by hand, and spin them onto the spindle to create yarn. This process was extremely laborious, 60-year-old Makri said. It would leave her feeling tired with constant pain in her hand, back, neck, and eyes.

Process of spinning eri yarn

Eri derives its name from castor leaves—locally known as ‘Rynda’ in the Khasi language. Castor leaves are the primary food source for the eri silkworms. As the production process is considered to be non-violent, eco-friendly, and sustainable, eri silk has earned itself the title of ‘peace silk.’

Thirty-eight-year-old Jacinta Maslai from Patharkhmah village in Ri Bhoi district, who has been spinning eri cocoons into yarn for years, explained how an eri moth lays hundreds of eggs and after 10 days or so, these eggs hatch, producing silkworms, which are then reared indoors and fed castor leaves until they mature over a period of 30 days.

When the silkworm matures to its full size, they are placed on cocoonage—devices that help silkworms spin their cocoons. The moth evolves, breaking out from the open end of the cocoon to start a new life cycle. Thus, in this process, no moths are killed. The empty cocoons are boiled to remove the gums left behind by the worms; they are then rinsed and left out in the sun to dry.

According to Maslai, the best season to carry out this process is from May till October. “When the weather is too cold or too hot, the worms don’t grow properly because they eat less. If they don’t eat well, they don’t make the cocoon well enough,” Maslai said.

Switching to solar-powered spinning machines

Women artisans have for years used their traditional spindles or ‘taklis,’ to spin eri cocoons into yarn. However, many of them, like Maslai and Makri, have now switched to the solar-powered spinning machines, which they claim have made their lives “easier.”

Since Maslai started using the solar-powered machines, she says she can weave up to 500 grams in a week. “Sometimes even a kilo is possible in a week but many of us have children and farms to look after so we can manage up to 500 grams in a week,” Maslai said, adding that before they wouldn’t get a kilo even if they spun for an entire month with the ‘takli.’

“The machines help a lot—with our hands, we couldn’t do much.”

In the nearby Patharkhmah market, Maslai sells one kilo of yarm for Rs 2500.

Makri, who is considered an expert at spinning eri yarn, said she has sold 1 kg of yarn for up to Rs 3000. “The lowest quality of one kilo of eri yarn is about Rs 1200-1500. The quality also differs in terms of the smoothness of the yarn sometimes,” Makri said.

The machines have also made our lives better because their villages are usually without electricity for an entire day, Maslai said. In the mornings they usually go out for farming; evenings are the time when they find adequate time to spin.

“The machines provide backup solar batteries so we can work at night. It is helpful during the rainy season too when it’s too cloudy for the solar panels to be used as a direct energy source,” Maslai said, adding, “I spin a lot in the evenings after cooking dinner. That’s when my kids are asleep.”

The machines have been distributed by MOSONiE Socio Economic Foundation, a not-for-profit led entirely by a group of women based in Pillangkata of Ri Bhoi district in Meghalaya.

“Our vision is to increase the productivity of eri silk spinners by providing solar-powered spinning machines to them. We also want to provide them financial options to afford a spinning machine by connecting them with rural banks. The idea is to give them training to use these machines and promote entrepreneurship among the women artisans,” said Salome Savitri, one of the co-founders of MOSONiE.

Many women in rural areas, Savitri said, cannot afford to buy the machines or do not have the money to pay direct cash; this is where she said MOSONiE steps in and bridges the gap between Meghalaya Rural Bank (MRB) and the women artisans. For instance, Maslai took a loan from MRB to buy the spinning machine, which she paid off after a year.

Maslai recalls how, with training from MOSONiE, it took her about three days to make the switch from a handheld spindle to the machine. “We use the machine now and no longer use the traditional method,” Maslai said.

Makri, who is one of the more experienced ones, also teaches others from her village to use the solar-powered spinning machines. Individually, people give her Rs 50-100 per day for the training they receive from her. She has won awards for her work from India’s ministry of textiles, central silk board, and the national handloom awards.

Upasna Jain, chief of staff at Resham Sutra, a Delhi-based social enterprise that has been manufacturing the solar-powered spinning machines, said not-for-profit organizations like MOSONiE, which is an on-ground partner of Resham Sutra in Meghalaya, help them establish rural experience centers. “We have our on-ground partners, who enable us to mobilize, create awareness, outreach, and demonstrations. In the rural experience centers, we have machines for spinning but we also have machines for quality certification. The on-ground partners impart 3 to 5 days of training, and we also have community champions because even after training, a lot of handholding is required,” Jain explained.

Out of 28 states, currently, Resham Sutra has managed to reach 16 states of India. “We work with eri, mulberry, tussar, and muga silk,” Jain said. Started in 2015, the Resham Sutra initiative has more than 25,000 installations across India.

“Our founder, Kunal Vaid, was an exporter of silk and home linen, and he would source his silk fabric from Jharkhand, where he saw the traditional thigh reeling process to make tussar yarn…he being a mechanical engineer who specialized in industrial design, out of a hobby innovated a spinning wheel, which has now become a full-time business enterprise.”

Jain added, “He also transitioned from being an exporter to a full-time social entrepreneur.” Apart from the spinning wheels, Resham Sutra also manufactures solar looms.

Through the use of solar, Jain said, their aim is to also take the silk industry towards carbon neutrality. She said, “As our machines are solar-powered, we save a lot of carbon dioxide, our machines run on low voltage and they are energy efficient. So, wherever there is ample sunlight, these machines are a great solution, especially in remote villages where electricity can be erratic.”

While both Makri and Maslai like using their machines, they said that an extra space to expand their spinning avenues would help them greatly. Makri wants to build another room where she can keep both her spinning machines and teach others too. Maslai, who lives in a two-room house, said there is barely any space for her to teach anyone else but she still tries to pass on the craft to young girls as well as boys who are interested in learning. “When I am teaching, they look after my kids as a token of goodwill.”

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