Ahead of the 10th Our Ocean Conference, with the theme “Our Ocean, Our Action,” comes a global call to protect the world’s oceans. The conference starts tomorrow (April 28) and ends on Wednesday and takes place in Busan, Korea. On Jeju Island, situated south of the Korean Peninsula and west of southern Japan, a community […]

By External Source
KABUL, Apr 25 2025 – “Even if our murals don’t change much, they will surely leave a mark – at least on the mind of one Taliban member who sees them.” These words from Afghan women activists reflect the bold and creative tactics they continue to use in their resistance against the Taliban’s oppressive regime.

In guerrilla-style operations, a group of young women choose a location together, spending hours surveilling it to ensure Taliban forces are not nearby. Once the location is deemed safe, they write their messages on the walls and immediately disperse in different directions, sometimes avoiding their homes for several hours to throw off any possible surveillance that might have been trailing them.

“Three core principles serve as the motivation in our remobilization, to rid us of tyranny”, declares the Purple Saturdays Movement, name of the group waging the secret campaign. They are encapsulated in a three-word slogan: Right, Justice and Freedom.

Undeterred by the risk of brutal torture or arrest, the movement continues its protests inside Afghanistan in confined places and in different forms.

“Women in Afghanistan have organized widespread protests and activities against the Taliban’s policies over the past three years,”, says Maryam Marouf Arwin, head of the Purple Saturdays Movement. “Their efforts have had a significant impact globally and regionally, preventing many countries from recognizing the Taliban’s self-proclaimed government.”

When barred from protesting in public, Afghan women continue their resistance behind closed doors. Credit: Learning Together.

Established on August 17, 2021, exactly two days after the Taliban took control of the country, Arwin says the Purple Saturday Movement, is the beginning of a new leap of hope at the height of despair. It has raised its voice against all Taliban orders and has held its protests, both on the streets and behind closed doors.

The movement is guided by the conviction that all Afghan people have been victims of the Taliban’s brutal regime. Therefore, their central goal is to achieve equal rights, justice and freedom for all Afghan citizens irrespective of gender, religious convictions and ethnic background.

In their latest street protests, the movement has demanded strong resistance against Taliban policies, and called for approval of the arrest warrant for the leader of the Taliban, Hibatullah Akhundzada and Abdul Hakim Haqqani, the head of the Taliban’s Supreme Court issued by the International Criminal Court.

Previously they have organized both individual and group protests in public and behind closed doors, speaking out against the Taliban’s decision to shut down educational institutions and all other repressive policies the brutal Islamist regime has targeted on women.

“We are committed to continue our struggle despite the Taliban’s brutal repression,” the group defiantly declares, “our goal is to end the Taliban’s rule and ensure social justice in the country”.

The movement contends that Sharia law is an excuse to eliminate women, and that the Taliban regressive rule is implemented under the guise of religion to oppress the people of Afghanistan. Nevertheless, they maintain that events in the past three years have proved that women of Afghanistan will not surrender and be isolated.

The Purple Saturdays Movement asserts that, “Considering the actions of the Taliban against the people of Afghanistan, particularly women, vulnerable ethnic groups, and religious minorities over the past 20 years, especially their conduct in the last three years, it is evident that the Taliban are neither susceptible to change nor flexibility.”

As outlined by Arwin, the movement’s activities include street protests, individual and collective demonstrations in confined spaces, wall inscriptions, social media hashtags, crafting declarations and resolutions, publishing reports, writing articles, and making appearances across various media.

She however, states that, “the standard for protests is not designated to take place only on the street. Protests have taken place in many countries for years, she points out, but they weren’t always on the roads, but nevertheless, the world has seen and welcomed such protests and recognized them. However, according to her, the protests of Afghan women have gone unnoticed whether held on the streets, in closed spaces, or on social media.”

The Taliban’s repression has become truly horrific. Recent reports make every family cringe when their daughter goes out to protest. Faced with arrest, rape, and sexual harassment by the Taliban, no one dares to let their daughters onto the streets. “For the safety of our members, we are forced to hold individual protests in closed settings and on social media,” Arwin says.

The women of Afghanistan stand firm: discrimination against women must not be tolerated. Credit: Learning Together.

In that regard, she is appealing for political and diplomatic support from governments of the European Union and the United Nations, to take a clear and decisive stance against crimes against humanity and oppression of Afghan women.

“We ask you to make our voices heard widely in the media and international forums.”

With the Taliban regaining control, the people of Afghanistan, especially women, religious minorities, and vulnerable ethnic groups, have once again returned to the dark and oppressive days in the past when Taliban made their first appearance as rulers in the country.

In the very first days of regaining control of Kabul in August 2021, the Taliban declared war on the women of the country. Since then they have issued dozens of decrees and orders, which have eviscerated all fundamental human rights from women throughout the country.

“From the first moment of oppression, our movement has fought against the darkness and will continue to fight until we achieve freedom,” Arwin concludes.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

By Tafadzwa Munyaka
HARARE, Apr 25 2025 – Across Africa, giving is not just an act of charity; it’s a deep-rooted tradition embedded in culture, community, and mutual care. The concept of giving has evolved through generations, often taking on forms that are as diverse as the continent itself.

African giving practices emphasize collective well-being over individual gain, creating a web of support that binds communities together in times of need. One dimension has remained constant in African giving practices and that is the fact that the giving does not come from excess but rather, on the prevailing need.

The Spirit of Ubuntu: community before self

At the heart of many African cultures lies the philosophy of Ubuntu, a term that translates roughly to “I am because we are.” It emphasizes interconnectedness and mutual respect, where the welfare of one is seen as the welfare of all.

Ubuntu is often practiced through giving, both in material and emotional forms. Whether it’s offering food to a neighbour, providing shelter for the homeless, or sharing wisdom with younger generations, Ubuntu encourages individuals to look beyond themselves and work for the common good.

In many African societies, this sense of communal responsibility extends beyond close family ties. Giving to the broader community — the village, the extended family, or even strangers — is seen as a deeply moral duty.

African giving practices emphasize collective well-being over individual gain, creating a web of support that binds communities together in times of need. One dimension has remained constant in African giving practices and that is the fact that the giving does not come from excess but rather, on the prevailing need

The underlying belief is simple yet profound anchored on the idea that when one person prospers, they have a responsibility to share their success with others. This strengthens the social fabric and ensures that no one is left behind, even in times of hardship.

For example, I remember vividly from my childhood how, during times of bereavement, the entire neighbourhood would mobilize around the grieving family. Relatives of the deceased would go from household to household, collecting whatever anyone could offer — be it a few coins, a bag of mealie-meal, cooking oil, or even just a bunch of vegetables.

These small yet meaningful contributions would be pooled together to feed mourners, assist with funeral arrangements, or purchase essentials for the burial.

The act of giving, no matter how modest, was never questioned — it was expected, because in that moment, the burden of loss was shared by all. Another common example is that of supporting children’s education whereby the extended family chips in to ensure the child does not drop out of school – some even sell their prized livestock to cover that gap.

Informal and formal forms of giving

1. Social networks and informal giving

In many African countries, informal giving practices play a significant role. This often occurs through social networks that span family, friends, and neighbours. These networks create a system of reciprocity, where individuals help each other with the understanding that the favour will be returned when needed.

These exchanges can range from lending money to providing emotional support during difficult times. This is in direct contrast to the ever-expanding compliance regime imposed by donors.

One widely practiced form of informal giving is the susu (in West Africa) or stokvel (in Southern Africa), which is a form of communal savings. A group of people agree to contribute a set amount of money regularly, and each member takes turns receiving the lump sum of contributions.

It is common cause that the informal financial institutions have long served as essential vehicles for collective economic empowerment, particularly in contexts where access to formal banking and credit systems is limited or exclusionary.

These informal savings schemes are not only practical for financing projects but also serve as a tool to strengthen bonds of trust and solidarity within communities.

There is no attendant expectation of demonstrating results, impact or accounting for how the money received was utilised. This relieves pressure and gives greater autonomy to the individuals to attend to their most pressing needs in ways they deem fit.

This autonomy is particularly empowering in African contexts where formal giving models — often shaped by donor-driven paradigms — can be rigid and administratively burdensome.

By contrast, as an example, susu and stokvel systems recognize the dignity and agency of individuals, allowing them to respond flexibly and swiftly to their most pressing concerns.

They also demonstrate the collective ethic of support and solidarity that underpins many African cultures — where giving is not a matter of surplus charity, but a deliberate investment in mutual upliftment.

The enduring popularity of such models speaks not only to their practicality but also to their cultural resonance. In many ways, they are emblematic of an African philanthropy that is people-centred, trust-based, and deeply rooted in lived realities.

2. Giving through faith and religion

Religion plays a central role in African societies, and giving is often a key practice in religious communities. Tithing, or the practice of giving a portion of one’s earnings/farm produce to the church or mosque, is common across the continent. However, it’s not just about financial contributions. Giving to others in need, whether through offering time and skills is seen as a way to fulfil religious duties.

In many African communities, faith-based organizations are instrumental in mobilizing resources for community development. These organizations often run programs focused on education, health, and poverty alleviation, with support from both local and international donors.

3. Giving for special occasions

Life events such as births, weddings, funerals, and other significant milestones often prompt collective giving. In some cultures, it’s customary to give in the form of cash or material gifts, while in others, the giving may take on a more symbolic form, such as providing labour or sharing knowledge.

These practices not only help support those undergoing major life events but also reinforce the sense of community and solidarity.

For instance, in Zimbabwe, the practice of contribution is often used to gather support for funerals or weddings, and this tradition reflects the notion that it is important to help one another during times of joy or sorrow.

The role of African philanthropy today

In contemporary Africa, traditional giving practices continue to flourish, albeit in new forms. Many African billionaires and business leaders have embraced philanthropy, using their wealth to address issues such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure development.

Figures like Aliko Dangote, Strive Masiyiwa, and Mo Ibrahim have made significant contributions to various causes, showcasing a modern extension of the African spirit of giving.

However, giving in Africa is not limited to the wealthy. Everyday people continue to donate time, skills, and resources to causes that matter to them. Whether it’s through crowd-funding platforms or local charity events, African communities continue to demonstrate resilience and ingenuity in finding ways to support one another.

Challenges and the Future of African Giving

While the practice of giving remains strong, there are challenges facing African philanthropy. The continent’s vast wealth inequality, economic instability, and the pressure of large-scale development needs can sometimes hinder the full potential of giving practices.

Additionally, there are concerns about the role of international aid, which, though well-meaning, can sometimes undermine local giving traditions by creating dependency rather than empowering local solutions.

That said, the future of African giving seems to be one of empowerment and sustainability. Increasingly, there is a push to support initiatives that build local capacity, empower communities, and create lasting impact. This means focusing on education, health, and business development — areas where giving can help transform lives for generations to come, for example.

A tradition that endures

African giving practices are an integral part of the continent’s rich cultural tapestry. They reflect a profound understanding of the importance of community, shared responsibility, and mutual aid.

Whether through informal social networks, religious tithes, or large-scale philanthropy, giving remains a cornerstone of African life, serving as a reminder that true wealth is found not in the accumulation of possessions but in the well-being of the collective.

As the world continues to evolve, the spirit of African generosity will undoubtedly remain a force for positive change — a testament to the enduring power of human connection and compassion.

By Rajat Khosla
GENEVA, Apr 25 2025 – As the G20 Health Working Group convened in KwaZulu-Natal under South Africa’s presidency earlier this year, a central question echoed across plenaries: How can we accelerate universal health coverage (UHC) in an increasingly unequal world?

With more than half of the global population- over 4.5 billion people, lacking access to essential health services, the answer must begin with those who are most systematically left behind: women, children, and adolescents.

The State of UHC: Lagging and uneven progress

Despite some progress, we are off track to meet SDG target 3.8 on UHC. The UHC service coverage index improved only marginally from 65 to 68 between 2015 and 2021, and has stagnated thereafter. Worse still, the number of people pushed into extreme poverty due to out-of-pocket (OOP) health costs stands at a staggering 1.3 billion globally.

These financial shocks do not fall evenly. Women, children, and adolescents are particularly vulnerable to catastrophic health expenditures due to their higher health needs and frequent exclusion from social protection mechanisms.

For example, an analysis by Save the Children in 2024 found that 1 in 5 children would be born without skilled attendance, a study by WHO notes that a high proportion of SRHR-related services (including family planning, maternal care, and adolescent health) inadequately prioritized in UHC plans and are paid for out-of-pocket.

Rajat Khosla

Gaps in WCAH Coverage: An Overlooked Priority

Essential WCAH services—those that save lives and reduce inequity—are too often omitted or underfunded in national UHC benefit packages. For instance, a review of essential packages of health services found that in 17 countries (of 51 surveyed) that have defined lists of essential interventions only 1 fully includes all nine essential SRHR service bundles recommended by UNFPA in their UHC schemes.

Even when included nominally, coverage is often partial. For example, contraceptive services may be listed in UHC packages but not covered by public financing—leaving costs to women and families. Adolescents, in particular, face acute gaps in services. An estimated 1.2 million adolescents die each year, largely from preventable causes. WHO has committed to integrating adolescent-responsive health services into primary care.

These gaps are not the result of technical limitations—they are political choices. And in an era where the cost of inaction is measured in lost lives and missed opportunities, these are choices we cannot afford to maintain.

Equity: The Litmus Test of Progress

Equity must become the defining lens of the G20’s health agenda. Even where national progress has been made, coverage remains deeply unequal. For instance, a study of 25 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, found children from the wealthiest households more likely to receive essential immunizations than those from the poorest in 23 countries.

In urban slums and rural areas alike, adolescent girls face structural barriers to accessing SRHR services due to stigma, cost, and lack of youth-friendly care.

Across conflict and humanitarian settings, women and children face some of the worst health outcomes but receive the least investment. Aggregate data masks these realities. The promise of UHC cannot be fulfilled without disaggregated monitoring and targeted interventions that prioritize those furthest behind.

A Call to Recenter WCAH in UHC

G20 countries wield immense influence in global health financing and governance. As such, they must:

–Embed Comprehensive WCAH Services in UHC Schemes: Ensure all essential SRHR services are included, fully financed, and protected from OOP costs.

–Expand Equity-Focused Monitoring: Disaggregate UHC indicators by age, gender, income, and geography to make inequities visible and actionable.

–Invest in Primary Health Care (PHC): PHC systems must be equipped to deliver integrated, people-centered WCAH services, with strong community health components.

–Drive Global Leadership and Domestic Commitment: Align financing, governance, and accountability structures to support WCAH as a non-negotiable pillar of resilient health systems.

South Africa, which leads the G20 this year also heads the Global Leaders Network (GLN) for Women’s, Children’s and Adolescents’ Health providing much required southern led global leadership on this issue.

A Defining Moment

This is more than a policy debate. It is a defining moment for global solidarity and justice at a time when these values are under attack. Women, children, and adolescents represent not only a demographic majority—but also the majority of those excluded, underserved, and overburdened by weak health systems.

To build health systems that are truly equitable, inclusive, and sustainable, G20 leaders must put WCAH at the center of the UHC agenda. Not as an afterthought—but as a foundational priority.

We urge the G20 to seize this opportunity—to invest where it matters most, and to ensure that no woman, no child, and no adolescent is left behind.

Rajat Khosla is the Executive Director of the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn & Child Health (PMNCH).

IPS UN Bureau

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By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 25 2025 – The US State Department, in a wide-ranging political re-structuring of its policies, will eliminate 132 domestic offices, lay-off about 700 federal workers and reduce diplomatic missions overseas.

The proposed changes will also include terminating some of the funding for the United Nations and its agencies, budgetary cuts to the 32-member military alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and revamping 20 other international organizations, including the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Against the backdrop of the annual Spring Meetings (April 21-26) of the two Washington-based institutions, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent called for “major overhauls” of both institutions.

According to a report in the New York Times April 24, Bessent’s comments “come at a moment of concern among policy makers that the Trump administration could withdraw the US entirely from the Bank and the Fund”

At a side event, however, Bessent said the US had no plans to withdraw from the two institutions, but is seeking to expand US leadership.

Critical of IMF’s disproportionate time and resources on climate change, gender and social issues, he said: “These issues are not the IMF’s mission.”

Meanwhile, Secretary of State Marco Rubio complained April 22, that the State Department, in its current form, is “bloated, bureaucratic, and unable to perform its essential diplomatic mission in this new era of great power competition”.

https://www.state.gov/building-an-america-first-state-department/

Over the past 15 years, he said, the Department’s footprint has had unprecedented growth and costs have soared. But far from seeing a return on investment, taxpayers have seen less effective and efficient diplomacy.

The sprawling bureaucracy created a system more beholden to radical political ideology than advancing America’s core national interests, declared Rubio.

Click here to view the new organizational chart for the U.S. State Department [82 KB]. The Department says it will implement the changes methodically over the next several months.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir, a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU), told IPS it is hard to assess the short- and long-term adverse implications of the White House’s proposed 50% budget cuts to the State Department, major international organizations and across key diplomatic and security institutions.

Whereas a periodic review of these international organizations is necessary for streamlining their operations, cutting unnecessary expenditure, and reducing the often-inflated bureaucracy, putting all these vital organizations on the chopping block without due review and auditing is shortsighted and highly damaging to the US, he argued.

“But then again, there is no surprise here. Trump is on a rampage, and there are no adults in the room to warn him that such careless actions only harm the US’s global standing and interest, which by far outweighs any expenditure”.

Asked about the impact of the proposed changes on the United Nations, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters April 23: “We have seen the Bureau of International Organization will remain, but we have not had any contact at that level to see how that may impact us”.

Currently, the US owes about $1.5 billion to the UN’s regular budget. And, between the regular budget, the peacekeeping budget, and international tribunals, the total amount the US owes is a hefty $2.8 billion.

But a hostile White House is unlikely to pay its outstanding dues since it has already withdrawn the US from the UN Human Rights Council, the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the Climate Treaty, while threatening to pull out of UNESCO and the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

The exceptions include the International Atomic Energy Agency and the International Civil Aviation Authority, which will remain funded.

A State Department leaked memo also calls for a total cut in funding for international peacekeeping missions, citing “recent mission failures” without providing details.

Meanwhile, according to a CNN report April 17, the Trump administration is looking at closing nearly 30 overseas embassies and consulates as part of the proposed changes to its diplomatic presence abroad.

An internal State Department document recommends closing 10 embassies and 17 consulates. Many of the posts are in Europe and Africa, though they also include ones in Asia and the Caribbean.

They include embassies in Malta, Luxembourg, Lesotho, the Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic and South Sudan. The list also includes five consulates in France, two in Germany, two in Bosnia and Herzegovina, one in the United Kingdom, one in South Africa and one in South Korea.

The document proposes that the closed embassies’ duties be covered by outposts in neighboring countries.

State Department Spokesperson Tammy Bruce would not comment on the internal document or on plans to drastically cut the State Department.

“I would suggest that you check with the White House and the President of the US as they continue to work on their budget plan and what they submit to Congress,” Bruce told reporters last week.

“The kinds of numbers and what we tend to see is reporting that is early or wrong, based on leaked documents from somewhere unknown,” she said.

Analyzing the ramifications of the new US policies, Dr Ben-Mier told IPS what is beyond the pale is the White House’s utter lack of consideration for how such closures strain relations with America’s European partners because the contemplated withdrawal of US engagement erodes trust, vital to maintaining a durable and healthy relationship.

As troubling is the White House’s shortsightedness in gauging how such cuts open the door for China to enhance its geopolitical dominance, especially in Africa and Asia. On top of that, he said, the financial cut would significantly reduce cultural exchange programs, which are vital to maintaining long-term partnerships.

“NATO member states may resist filling the funding gap, precipitating conflicts over defense spending while slowing NATO’s ongoing modernization plans and its readiness to respond to any unexpected crisis”.

Should the cuts be put in place, said Dr Ben-Mier, the Alliance may well pursue an independent security framework, thereby rupturing transatlantic unity while reducing the US’ leverage and lessening its role in shaping NATO’s mission.

Further review of the proposed cuts shows that slashing diplomatic staff could delay crisis responses because layoffs of local employees, who comprise two-thirds of mission staff, would severely undermine regional know-how and the capacity to address emerging threats like pandemics or conflicts.

“Financial cuts to the United Nations and its Agencies will cause instant cash deficits, which would disrupt humanitarian aid and health programs. We have already seen similar impacts from the Trump administration’s previous elimination of funding for USAID”.

Several critically important agencies, including WHO, UNICEF, and UNRWA, would stop vaccinations, food assistance, and disaster relief.

Here, too, China and Russia would rush to fill the vacuum and expand their influence in the UN agencies, which could potentially alter international obligations and norms, particularly about human rights and climate change. In addition, cuts to the UN would weaken its ability to coordinate responses to pandemics or conflicts.

In addition, he pointed out, defunding UN peacekeeping in various countries, including Lebanon, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cyprus, Kosovo, and Haiti, could compel these peacekeeping forces to withdraw, which could cause instability and potentially renewed conflict. Peacekeeping has historically been a cost-effective approach, and cuts could force costlier military interventions later.

“To be sure, such proposed cuts are utterly irresponsible and would have profound long-term and short-term implications. They undermine crisis response abilities and risk diminishing the US’ global leadership, which inevitably cedes ground to adversaries like Russia and China.”

It is hoped that the majority Republican-run Congress will see the light and reject the outlandish planned cuts, as this would only isolate the US while undercutting its influence and have a lasting impact on the US’ global standing, declared Dr Ben-Mier.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR, Apr 25 2025 – Abdul Majeed Mir strolls leisurely among the purple crocus flower rows in Pampore’s saffron fields as the morning mist hovers low over them. His family has been growing this valuable spice, called “red gold,” for many generations, but now his hands go through the harvest mechanically. There is a noticeable lack of the typical commotion of tourists haggling over saffron packets.

Mir rubs a pinch of the fragrant stigma between his fingers and sighs, “This should be our best season in years.

“Who will buy it now, even though the yield is great? Most tourists left within hours of the attack.” His gaze moves over the deserted roadside stands where merchants would typically vie for customers’ attention.

While the Pahalgam terror attack on April 22 lasted less than 30 minutes, its effects will be felt for years to come. Twenty-six people were killed and numerous others were injured when four gunmen opened fire at one of Kashmir’s most visited tourist spots. Local employees like Adil Shah, a 32-old pony-wala who was the only provider for his elderly parents, as well as honeymooners and vacationing families, were among the victims.

The attack ratcheted up tensions between India and Pakistan, with New Delhi’s response being to revoke visas, close a border crossing and suspend the Indus Water Treaty. The region has been in dispute between the two countries and China since, and in 2019 India revoked the self-governing special status for Jammu and Kashmir. Islamabad closed its airspace to India and warned that interference in the water supply will be considered an act of war.

Locals in Kashmir protesting against the Pahalgam terror attack. This is the first attack on tourists in the region’s recent history. Credit: Supplied

The exodus started as word got out about the massacre. Dal Lake houseboats filled up in a matter of hours. As houseboat owner Tariq Ahmed remembers, “Guests were packing one minute and photographing the sunset the next. All twelve of my boats were empty by midnight.

His voice cracks as he adds, “They didn’t even wait for breakfast. Just left in whatever transport they could find.”

The statistics present a bleak picture. Within 48 hours, 90 percent of scheduled tourist reservations were cancelled. More than 2,000 tour packages were cancelled. The immediate losses are estimated by the hospitality industry to be more than fifteen million dollars. However, there are innumerable human tragedies playing out in slow motion behind these figures.

Arif Khan, owner of a souvenir shop in Srinagar’s Lal Chowk market, puts unsold walnut wood carvings back in their boxes. Wiping dust from an elaborately carved jewelry box, he explains, “April to September is when we earn our entire year’s income.”

“I’ll have to pull my kids out of school if tourists don’t come back.” As he puts another unsold item back on the shelf, his hands shake.

Tourism is just one aspect of the crisis. Shopian apple grower Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Khan strolls through his orchard. He looks at a young flower on one of his apple trees and remarks, “Nearly a third of our direct sales come from tourists.

“They purchase boxes to take home after visiting the orchards. Without them…” he ponders as he gazes down the endless rows of trees that symbolize his family’s livelihood.

Indian army cordoning off the tourist spot where the attack happened that claimed the lives of more than 27 civilians. Credit: Supplied

The timing of the attack couldn’t have been worse for the farmers of Kashmir. This was meant to be a recovery season following years of droughts and erratic weather patterns brought on by climate change. Pampore has the highest saffron yield in recent memory. There were lots of apple blossoms in Shopian. Farmers now have to deal with the possibility of their harvests rotting in warehouses as the tourism industry collapses.

Master carpet weaver Mohammad Yusuf works alone in his quiet workshop in downtown Srinagar’s handicraft district. Usually, a dozen craftspeople would be working, and the sound of looms would fill the air. Only Yusuf is left today. He runs his fingers across a partially completed carpet and says, “I had to let everyone go.

“No orders if there are no tourists. Since my showroom hasn’t seen any customers in three days, how can I pay wages?”

The psychological toll is equally devastating. In Pahalgam, where the attack occurred, hotelier Imtiyaz Ahmad sits in his empty lobby.

“We had just finished renovations,” he says, staring at the vacant reception desk. “New furniture, new linen, everything ready for peak season.” His investment of nearly USD 50,000 now seems like a cruel joke. “The banks won’t care that there was an attack. The loans still need to be paid.”

Mass Exodus of tourists being witnessed from Kashmir. A view of jam-packed Kashmir airport. Credit: Supplied

For pony-walas and shikara operators, the situation is even more dire. These daily wage workers have no savings to fall back on. “I used to earn eight hundred rupees a day [10 USD] taking tourists on rides,” says pony-wala Bashir Ahmad. “Now I’m lucky if I make fifty rupees carrying firewood.”

He gestures to his two ponies standing listlessly in the shade. “How do I feed them? How do I feed my family?”

The human cost extends beyond economics.  The image of a young bride sitting beside her husband’s lifeless body has become seared into the national consciousness. Their honeymoon, meant to be the beginning of a life together, ended in a hail of bullets. Similar stories echo across India as families mourn loved ones who went to Kashmir seeking beauty and found only tragedy.

Yet amid the despair, there are glimmers of hope and humanity. Local residents opened their homes to stranded tourists, offering food and shelter free of charge. Doctors tirelessly worked around the clock to treat the wounded. “This is not who we are,” says college student Aisha Malik, who helped coordinate relief efforts. “We want the world to know the real Kashmir—the one of hospitality and peace.”

As the sun sets over Dal Lake, the silence is deafening. Where there should be laughter and the splash of oars, there is only stillness. The houseboats sit empty. The shikaras remain tied to their docks. The souvenir shops have turned off their lights.

Abdul Majeed Mir walks home through his saffron fields, the day’s harvest in his basket.

“We survived the worst of the conflict in the 1990s,” he says. “We’ll survive this too.”

But the uncertainty in his eyes betrays his words. For Kashmir’s tourism-dependent economy and for the thousands of families who rely on it, the coming months will be a test of resilience unlike any they’ve faced before.

“The terrorists may have only pulled their triggers for minutes, but the echoes of those gunshots will reverberate through Kashmir’s valleys for years to come. In the empty hotels, the silent markets, and the untrodden paths of what was once a paradise for travelers, the true cost of violence becomes painfully clear. It’s measured not just in lives lost, but in dreams deferred, livelihoods destroyed, and a people’s faith in the future shaken to its core,” Showkat Ahmad Malik, a fruit grower from Kashmir’s Anantnag, told Inter Press Service.

Tourism accounts for 6.98 percent of the state’s GDP and is  considered a key sector of Kashmir’s economy; 80 percent of Kashmir’s population, which is 12.5 million, is directly or indirectly dependent on it.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Humberto Márquez
CARACAS, Apr 25 2025 – Reduced to a marginal oil producer over the past decade, Venezuela has suffered another blow as United States president Donald Trump ordered punitive measures to blockade and further restrict the country’s oil exports.

Venezuelan crude will likely navigate the fringes of global oil trade and finance, flowing toward Asian markets as the government seeks to avoid financial suffocation—possibly without ruling out new negotiations with Washington.”Revenues will drop significantly because PDVSA will struggle to produce, obtain diluents, and won’t have the capacity to invest in projects.” — Francisco Monaldi

“Venezuela has been very hostile to the United States and the Freedoms which we espouse. Therefore, any Country that purchases Oil and/or Gas from Venezuela will be forced to pay a Tariff of 25% to the United States on any Trade they do with our Country,” Trump wrote on his media platform Truth Social on March 24.

Simultaneously, Trump revoked licenses allowing U.S. firms Chevron and Global Oil Terminals, Spain’s Repsol, France’s Maurel & Prom, India’s Reliance, and Italy’s Eni to operate in Venezuela.

The foreseeable outcome “will be a drop in oil production—possibly over 100,000 barrels per day—with lower revenues and difficulties in placing crude on the black market,” Francisco Monaldi, a fellow at Rice University’s Baker Institute’s Center for Energy Studies, told IPS.

Venezuela, which once produced three million barrels (159 liters each) per day in the early 2000’s, has seen a decline since 2013, falling below 400,000 barrels in 2020.

Until the beginning of this century, Venezuela was a major oil producer and exporter, thanks to the vast reserves in the Maracaibo Lake basin in the west. Although underground reserves remain enormous, production has declined, and the country has lost its leading role in the global hydrocarbon market. Credit: Mdnava / Fe y Alegría

This is a stark contrast to its history as the world’s second-largest producer and top exporter a century ago, a co-founder of OPEC in 1960, and still home to the largest crude reserves—over 300 billion barrels.

The collapse of the industry and state-owned PDVSA resulted from a mix of dwindling investments, neglected maintenance, erratic management, and bad deals—all amid economic and social collapse and intense political strife.

Moreover, corruption has reached such heights that several former Energy Ministers and presidents of PDVSA have been imprisoned, while others are fugitives abroad. According to the Venezuelan chapter of Transparency International, the amounts that “evaporated” without ever reaching state coffers add up to tens of billions of dollars.

Additionally, Washington imposed escalating sanctions on Venezuelan political and military leaders, with severe effects on PDVSA’s supplies and operations, the Central Bank, and other state entities.

GDP shrank to a quarter of its early-2000s level, hyperinflation reached six digits, income-based poverty hit 90%, and eight million Venezuelans—one in four—left the country.

However, since 2022, Washington’s green light for Chevron and other foreign firms helped production recover to 760,000 barrels per day in 2023, 857,000 in 2024, and 913,000 in March 2025, according to OPEC’s secondary sources.

Chevron accounted for 25% of this output, with PDVSA handling the rest. The U.S. firm also facilitated the import of 50,000 barrels of diluent daily to blend with Venezuela’s heavy crude, In order to improve and facilitate refining.

“It is assumed PDVSA will take over Chevron’s fields, but a drop is inevitable,” Andrés Rojas, editor of Venezuelan oil journal Petroguía, told IPS.

An oil tanker docks at the Waidiao terminal in Zhejiang province, eastern China. The Asian giant is the primary destination for Venezuelan oil, and this flow may increase as Venezuela loses its U.S. market due to new sanctions imposed by President Donald Trump. Credit: Zhejiang Municipal Government

The impact 

Monaldi explains that of Venezuela’s 700,000 daily exportable barrels, half went to “licensed destinations” (mainly the United States, Europe, and India), while the rest went to China (as debt repayment) and Cuba.

Economist Asdrúbal Oliveros, head of Ecoanalítica, consulting firm, estimates Venezuela will lose over US$3 billion this year from Chevron’s withdrawal, leaving external revenues at no more than US$13 billion for its 29 million people.

Government “revenues will plummet because PDVSA will struggle to produce (due to shortages of materials and spare parts), secure diluents, and invest in projects,” Monaldi said.

The expert explains that PDVSA will have to return to the black market, using practices such as transferring crude oil at sea or in the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia to vessels different from those originally dispatched.

This way, the oil reaches its destination, usually China, labeled as being produced in Malaysia or another part of the world.

However, these distant and complicated routes have the dual effect of increasing costs—including freight and insurance—and reducing revenue, as the oil must be sold at discounts of 30% or more compared to prices on the regular market.

Meanwhile, the trade, economic, and financial shock triggered by Trump’s tariff storm this month is driving oil prices down, with current benchmarks like West Texas Intermediate (WTI) at US$63 and North Sea Brent at US$67 per barrel.

Oil transfers between tankers take place offshore or near international trade hubs, such as the Strait of Malacca in Asia. This method, though riskier and costlier, is used as a black-market mechanism to evade sanctions like those imposed by Washington on Venezuela. Credit: Verdemar

Black market challenges 

In April of this year, two oil tankers—the Bahamian-flagged Carina Voyager and the Marshall Islands-registered Dubai Attraction—loaded 500,000 and 350,000 barrels of crude, respectively, at Venezuelan terminals. The oil was initially meant to be transported by Chevron to refineries on the U.S. Gulf Coast.

However, the vessels had to turn around and return to Venezuelan ports after state-run PDVSA realized it would not be able to collect payment for the shipments due to Washington’s sanctions. The cargoes will now be diverted to Venezuela’s top Asian client: China.

“PDVSA has done this since 2019 with Russian and Iranian support, using two or three intermediaries to deliver the loads,” Rojas noted.

In addition to the higher costs stemming from intermediaries, longer distances, and increased risks, Rojas points out that Venezuelan crude is heavier than benchmark Brent and WTI oils, meaning its price per barrel is roughly US$10 lower.

Monaldi notes that even if China disregards Washington’s threat to hike tariffs on Venezuelan oil imports—or Malaysia, where much of this black-market trade flows—risk premiums will rise, and Venezuela will bear the brunt by receiving insufficient diluents for its heavy crudes.

The Carina Voyager, one of the Bahamian-flagged tankers chartered by Chevron in April to transport Venezuelan crude to refineries on the U.S. Gulf Coast, had to turn around and return its cargo. PDVSA made the decision after realizing payment would be impossible due to Trump’s sanctions. Credit: Sun Enterprises

“The situation is extremely complicated, and this will likely push the Venezuelan economy—which had been experiencing modest growth in recent years (2.6% in 2023 and 5.0% in 2024, according to the Venezuelan Finance Observatory)—back into recession, possibly as early as 2025,” the expert warns.

Monaldi adds that the recession will come alongside a sharp depreciation of the bolívar against the dollar (already over 50% since January) and, consequently, higher inflation, which Ecoanalítica estimates could reach 189% this year.

In this new game, even American oil importers lose out—they had benefited from cheaper Venezuelan crude, which allowed them to free up United States oil volumes for higher-priced exports to third countries, Rojas noted.

He also points out that Chevron’s withdrawal “hurts communities like Soledad” (a town of 35,000 in southeastern Venezuela), where a health center relied on support from the corporation as part of its social responsibility program.

And, as a final blow to Venezuela’s setbacks, two South American neighbors—once net importers of its oil—have now joined the thriving club of exporters welcomed by Washington: Brazil, which produces 3.4 million barrels per day, and Guyana, now pumping 650,000 barrels daily.

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Apr 24 2025 – In much of the past, few people lived alone. At the start of the 20th century, one-person households were relatively rare and are estimated to have accounted for less than 10% of all households worldwide.

By the middle of the 20th century, the number of one-person households in the world began to increase markedly. In addition, over the past several decades, one-person households have become more commonplace in many countries. Moreover, in some high-income, more developed countries, one-person households have become the dominant household type.

By 1985, the global proportion of one-person households is estimated to have reached about 23 percent. Several decades later, i.e., by 2018, the proportion of one-person households in the world is estimated to have increased to 28 percent. Regarding the future, the global proportion of one-person households by the middle of the 21st century is projected to reach 35% (Figure 1).

Source: United Nations.

Currently, large differences exist among countries in the proportion of one-person households. In many low-income less developed countries, for example, the proportions of one-person households are relatively low, typically well below 10%. In many more developed countries, in contrast, one-person households represent a large proportion of households.

Among some countries, such as Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Germany and Russia, the proportion of one-person households around 2020 exceeded 40%. Also, the proportions of one-person households in the world’s two most populous countries were 25% for China and 16% for India (Figure 2).

Source: National censuses and surveys.

The proportions of single-person households in many countries increased markedly over the recent past. In the United States, for example, the proportion of one-person households tripled during the second half of the 20th century with the proportion having increased every decade from 1940 to 2020. The proportion of one-person households in the United States in 2020 reached approximately 28% (Figure 3).

Source: US Census Bureau.

More recently during the 21st century, one-person households increased significantly in a number of countries worldwide. For example, the proportions in one-person households increased by 50 percent in Japan and Denmark, nearly doubled in Russia and Norway, and tripled in China (Figure 4).

Source: National censuses and surveys.

A number of major economic, social, cultural and demographic factors contributed to the increases in one-person households. In turn, those increases have led to a number of important consequences for individuals and societies.

Some of the major causes of single-person households include urbanization, a growing economy with rising incomes, financial independence, advanced education levels, high employment rates, and very importantly, improvements in the status of women. Later marriage, delayed childbearing, increased divorce and changing attitudes regarding the family and childbearing are also among the major factors that contributed to the rise of single-person households (Table 1).

In addition, the demographic ageing of populations has been a potent factor contributing to the rise of one-person households. As age structures of populations become older coupled with the incidence of widowhood, the proportions of one-person households in countries have risen markedly among the elderly aged 65 years or older.

In most instances, the elderly have substantially higher proportions living in one-person households than other broad age groups. For example, the proportion of the elderly residing alone is often several times greater than the proportion for individuals below 30 years of age.

The proportions of single-person households in many countries increased markedly over the recent past. In the United States, for example, the proportion of one-person households tripled during the second half of the 20th century with the proportion having increased every decade from 1940 to 2020

Furthermore, in about two dozen countries, which are located primarily in Europe, more than one-third of the elderly are living in one-person households. Also, in some of those countries, such as Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Lithuania and Sweden, the proportion of the elderly living alone exceeds 40%.

Among the reported consequences of the rise in single-person households are greater independence, personal freedom, economic independence and self-fulfillment as well as having no children to raise. Some men and women, especially those during their middle ages, may thrive in one-person households.

However, living alone can contribute to stress, loneliness and physical and mental health issues, especially for elderly persons. Moreover, one-person households may face financial strain and increased debt due to having a single income provider.

In addition, men and women living in one-person households may experience reduced social support, feel socially isolated and are at increased risk of cognitive decline, including dementia and Alzheimer’s disease. Those individuals, especially in the oldest age groups, are also at increased risk of having accidents and encountering safety hazards.

Admittedly, not every person who lives alone will experience physical, mental and social problems and face possible cognitive decline issues. It is also the case that living alone is not the same as feeling lonely.

According to surveys, most people living in single-person households indicate being satisfied with their situation. They report that they are doing reasonably well living alone, especially those who have maintained social connections and relations with friends and family.

However, the potential for difficulties to arise in single-person households certainly exists. And that potential is typically higher among the elderly, especially for the oldest age groups. The various risks and problems that may arise in single-person households need to be acknowledged and seriously evaluated by those who reside in such households.

The increases in single-person households also pose challenges for societies, especially more developed countries where the levels are currently the highest. Among those challenges are how to address social isolation, loneliness and potential physical and mental health consequences, especially among the oldest groups.

In addition to raising public awareness regarding the negative impact of loneliness, social connections and community engagement need to be promoted and outreach programs offered to those men and women who are experiencing social isolation.

It is important to recognize that in many countries residing in a single-person household is an individual’s personal choice. It is a lifestyle preference and those individuals are likely to be reasonably content living on their own.

However, for many, particularly those in the oldest age groups, living alone is frequently not a choice but rather a consequence of circumstances that are largely beyond their control.

Individuals who not by choice find themselves living alone may encounter loneliness and feel socially isolated. Those individuals tend to be at increased risk of experiencing physical and mental difficulties, including cognitive decline.

The relatively rapid growth in the numbers and proportions of one-person households across the globe has made it abundantly clear that governments worldwide are facing formidable challenges in providing the necessary support to individuals living alone, especially older adults.

Among the major challenges for governments are the provision of social support, safety measures and healthcare access for those in one-person households. Governments promoting social connections and community engagement as well as the provision of needed healthcare services can be meaningful contributions to reducing the risks of the potential physical and mental health difficulties for individuals living in one-person households.

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division and author of numerous publications on population issues, including his recent book, “Population Levels, Trends, and Differentials”

By CIVICUS
Apr 24 2025 –  
CIVICUS discusses Ecuador’s presidential election with Jorge Tapia de los Reyes, Coordinator of the Democracy and Politics Department and the Political Funding Observatory of the Citizenship and Development Foundation (FCD). FCD is an Ecuadorian civil society organisation that promotes participation, citizen monitoring and open government.

On 13 April, Daniel Noboa, candidate for the National Democratic Action (ADN) movement, was elected president with around 56 per cent of the vote, comfortably beating Luisa González of the left-wing Citizen Revolution (RC) party. Noboa had been elected in October 2023 to complete the interrupted term of former President Guillermo Lasso, so this election will allow him to serve a full term. In a country with high levels of insecurity, the election was peaceful and turnout reached 83 per cent. Noboa’s ability to tackle organised crime will be key to the success of his government.

Jorge Tapia de los Reyes

How surprising was the scale of Noboa’s victory?

The election result surprised all political analysts. Polls had predicted a very close race, with differences of no more than two or three percentage points, roughly between 100,000 and 300,000 votes.

However, the reality on the ground was very different. Noboa won by a margin of more than 10 points, with a lead of over 1,200,000 votes. This phenomenon could be explained by what is known to political scientists as the ‘spiral of silence’ or ‘shame vote’: many voters hid their preference for Noboa in the polls or decided to support him at the last minute rather than spoil their vote.

What was Noboa’s campaign strategy in the face of growing insecurity?

None of the candidates presented solid or detailed policy proposals during the campaign. The electoral debate was dominated by personal attacks and strategies to discredit each other.

Nevertheless, insecurity emerged as the central issue, and this is where Noboa found his greatest strength. Ecuador is experiencing an unprecedented crisis of violence, with an alarming average of one violent death every hour in the first quarter of 2025, making it the most violent country in Latin America.

Noboa’s proposal took a security-focused and forceful approach. His rhetoric emphasised tangible action against organised crime, mafias and drug trafficking, which have spread terror among the population. A much-discussed strategic move was his meeting with Erik Prince, CEO of Blackwater, a controversial private security company with experience of US operations in conflict zones such as Afghanistan and Iraq. This meeting, criticised by progressives, reinforced his image as a candidate determined to tackle violence.

Noboa’s communications team also knew how to capitalise on his rival’s mistakes. While the RC questioned the current hegemony of the US dollar, Noboa positioned himself as a defender of monetary stability, thereby reinforcing dollarisation. While the RC proposed community-based solutions to insecurity, such as peace mediators, Noboa opted to strengthen the traditional security institutions of the armed forces and the national police. Ultimately, Noboa capitalised on collective fears of a potential return of the political group led by former president Rafael Correa, to which González belongs, and managed to position himself as the guarantor of stability and order.

Are opposition allegations of electoral fraud justified?

Absolutely not. The National Electoral Council (CNE) conducted a technically flawless operation that exceeded expectations. The verification and counting system allowed the results to be viewed transparently and in real time, eliminating any suspicion of manipulation.

Moreover, the size of the margin of victory makes any scenario of fraud mathematically implausible. Although the RC has denounced alleged irregularities such as unsigned ballot papers to justify its request for a recount, these allegations quickly lost credibility when the official results were announced. To order a recount, the CNE needs evidence, and there is none.

Additionally, on the morning after the election, representatives of some opposition parties, various national authorities and international observers from the Organization of American States and the European Union confirmed the integrity of the electoral process. This endorsement confirmed that, despite the challenges, Ecuador’s democratic institutions functioned properly.

What role did civil society play in ensuring transparent elections?

The role of organised citizens was crucial to the success of the democratic process. Through various monitoring and observation initiatives, civil society acted as an effective counterweight to potential irregularities.

The work of civil society went beyond election observation: we are committed to building an informed and critical citizenry. We understand democracy not only as the act of voting, but as a continuous process of education, information and participation. With this in mind, we set up a system to monitor and verify fake news on social media to combat disinformation and its harmful effects on the electoral process.

Many disinformation campaigns are specifically designed to create fear and apathy and discourage participation. Our work sought to counter these strategies by providing verified information and reminding people that only the CNE has the legal authority to issue official results or respond to reports of irregularities.

What are the main challenges facing Noboa’s government?

Although there will be continuity, this will be Noboa’s first full term in office, as his previous administration was a transitional period to complete the term of the previous president, Guillermo Lasso, after his early departure.

The most urgent and unavoidable challenge will be to control the spiral of violence. Noboa will have to implement effective strategies to drastically reduce homicide rates and restore security in public spaces. Civil society demands a comprehensive approach that goes beyond a purely punitive or militarised response, incorporating preventive and social inclusion programmes to offer viable alternatives to young people in vulnerable contexts, preventing their recruitment by criminal organisations.

On the economic front, the government faces an extremely fragile fiscal situation. Current revenue is insufficient to cover the state’s basic operating expenses. This problem was exacerbated during the election campaign, when around US$560 million was allocated to bonuses and extraordinary payments to various constituencies to secure their votes. It worked: citizens felt heard, but at the same time fiscal sustainability was compromised. The new government will have to balance public finances without shifting the burden of adjustment onto the most vulnerable groups, focusing on improving tax collection from large taxpayers and combating tax evasion.

Governance is another key challenge. Noboa will face a fragmented congress where no political force has a majority, which will require negotiation skills and consensus building to advance his legislative agenda.

In terms of international relations, Noboa will have to define Ecuador’s strategic position in the complex scenario of the trade war between China and the USA, both crucial trading partners for the Ecuadorian economy. The issue of migration will be particularly sensitive, considering that the stability of Ecuador’s dollarisation depends significantly on remittances sent by Ecuadorian migrants in the USA, many of whom are now victims of more restrictive immigration policies. Although Noboa has initiated bilateral talks on this issue, it remains to be seen whether he will be able to secure special protections for the Ecuadorian community against the mass deportations ordered by Donald Trump.

But it’s crucial to understand that Noboa did not receive a blank cheque. To a large extent, his victory represents a rejection of the RC’s political project rather than unconditional support for AND’s programme. Noboa will therefore have to build his own legitimacy based on tangible results in addressing the country’s most pressing problems.

As civil society, our commitment is to maintain active and constructive oversight of the government’s performance. Our role doesn’t end with the elections. It is essential that we remain organised to demand accountability, denounce potential abuses and defend democratic values. Only an alert and participatory citizenry can ensure the state fulfils its obligations.

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SEE ALSO
Ecuador: ‘This election campaign offers two opposing visions of how to tackle insecurity’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Jorge Tapia de los Reyes 07.Feb.2025
Ecuador: ‘Violence is linked to the deterioration of the living conditions of young people from low-income groups’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Mauro Cerbino 25.Jan.2024
Ecuador: an end to instability? CIVICUS Lens 30.Oct.2023

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By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 24 2025 – As gang violence in Haiti continues to target civilians and critical infrastructures, humanitarian organizations and the Haitian National Police (HNP) have found it increasingly difficult to manage the growing scale of needs. The United Nations (UN) and its partners fear that Haiti will approach a nationwide collapse due to numerous shortfalls in funding, a widespread lack of essential resources, and rampant insecurity.

On April 21, UN Special Representative María Isabel Salvador briefed spoke before the Security Council on the “deliberate and coordinated” campaign being used by armed coalitions to expand control in the nation’s capital, Port-Au-Prince.

“They targeted Kenscoff, the last road out of Port-au-Prince not fully under gang control, and advanced simultaneously into Delmas, downtown Port-au-Prince, and Pétion-Ville—areas previously spared—deepening the city’s destabilization,” said Salvador.

According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), approximately 90 percent of Port-Au-Prince is controlled by gangs, with only 10 percent remaining under governmental jurisdiction. From late January to early March 2025, roughly 262 people were killed and 66 were injured in Kenscoff and Carrefour, two communes in the capital’s south. In late March and early April, over 80 people were killed in Mirebalais and Saut-d’Eau.

“The magnitude of the violence has sown panic among the population,” said Salvador. “We are approaching a point of no return. Without timely and decisive international support, the violence will continue to escalate, and Haiti could face total collapse.”

Additionally, sexual violence propagated by gang members remains pervasive in Haiti, particularly in Port-Au-Prince. Executions and kidnappings are also regular occurrences that are reported on almost daily, according to HRW. Increased rates of child recruitment have become alarmingly apparent as over 50 percent of gang personnel are young children.

As a result of escalating gang violence, many civilians and law enforcement personnel have formed “self defense groups” in the objective of quelling insecurity in collusion. This has led to brutal clashes between these self defense groups and gang members which has only increased the overall insecurity and exacerbated rates of displacement. According to figures from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), over 90,000 people have been forced to flee their homes since January 2025.

“People no longer have a safe place to flee to,” one aid worker told HRW. “Women who come here seeking help have not only lost loved ones, but have also been raped, displaced and left on the streets, starving and struggling to survive. We don’t know how much longer they can endure such suffering … All [victims] ask is for the violence to stop. With no support from the police or government, they feel abandoned. They ask, ‘Why is no one helping us? Why do Haitian lives not matter if we are human too?’”

Essential services, such as healthcare, education, and access to safe food and water, are critically limited as security issues impede mobility and gaps in funding widen. The UN reports that over 900 schools and 39 medical facilities have shut down due to gang activity. Shelter, sanitation, and protection services are lacking significantly in displacement camps. With cholera outbreaks and rates of gender-based violence spreading rapidly in the most crisis-affected areas of the nation, it is imperative for the international community and humanitarian organizations to scale up their responses.

Port-Au-Prince’s St. Damien Hospital is the only pediatric hospital in Haiti that offers full-scale services, assisting families with childhood cancer treatments, maternal care, and a host of other health issues, acting as a lifeline for Haitian communities near the capital. However, funding shortfalls and increased insecurity have complicated life-saving efforts.

“Solidarity knows no borders. If people outside help us, it means we are not alone in facing these challenges,” said Dr. Pascale Gassant of the St. Damien Hospital. “We are determined. Every day, we risk our lives. But we need help…Despite the insecurity, we must continue our mission for children and mothers.”

According to the latest food security situation update from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), roughly 5.7 million people, which is more than half of Haiti’s population, are projected to face “high levels” of acute food insecurity through June. Of this 5.7 million, over 2 million are projected to experience emergency level hunger (IPC Phase 4) and 8,400 people living within displacement shelters are projected to face catastrophic hunger (IPC Phase 5).

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) warned that the hunger crisis is expected to hit children particularly hard, with roughly 2.85 million children, or 25 percent of the entire child population, facing high levels of food insecurity and acute malnutrition.

“We are looking at a scenario where parents can no longer provide care and nutrition to their children as a result of ongoing violence, extreme poverty, and a persistent economic crisis,” said Geeta Narayan, UNICEF’s Representative in Haiti. “Life-saving actions, such as screening children at risk for wasting and stunting, and ensuring malnourished children have access to therapeutic treatment, are needed now to save children’s lives.”

Many humanitarian organizations have agreed that the window to tackle the crisis in Haiti is closing. With the Kenyan-led contingency mission of 1,000 police officers having failed to protect civilians and dispose of gang members, it has become apparent that it will require much more funding and personnel to achieve progress.

According to the International Crisis Group, major gaps in the Haitian governmental structure have allowed for gangs to take power. Since these gangs have taken advantage of rampant political instability that has persisted in Haiti for decades, it is imperative for the Haitian Transitional Government to focus on handling responsible governance, violence, impunity, and corruption, rather than “rushing toward elections.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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