By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, May 13 2025 – A controversial amendment to Hungary’s constitution has left the country’s LGBTQI community both defiant and fearful, rights groups have said.

The amendment, passed by parliament on April 14, includes, among others, the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers, with penalties including large fines and, in certain cases, imprisonment.

It also allows for the use of real-time facial recognition technologies for the identification of protestors.

It has been condemned by domestic and international rights groups and members of the European Parliament (MEPs) as an assault on not just the LGBTQI community but wider human rights.

And there are now fears it will lead to a rise in violence against LGBTQI people whose rights have been gradually eroded in recent years under populist prime minister Viktor Orban’s authoritarian regime.

“There is serious concern that this legislative package could lead to an increase in threats, harassment, and violence against LGBTI communities in Hungary. When authorities criminalise Pride organisers and create a chilling effect on peaceful assembly, it not only emboldens hostile rhetoric but also signals impunity for those who wish to intimidate or harm LGBTI people,” Katja Štefanec Gärtner, Communications and Media Officer, ILGA-Europe, told IPS.

“The risks are not theoretical. Pride marches have long been a target for extremist groups, and this legal crackdown sends a dangerous message: that state institutions may no longer protect those marching but instead criminalise them. This creates an unsafe and unpredictable environment for all those standing up for human rights and democratic freedoms,” she added.

The amendment codifies legislation already passed in March banning LGBTQI events. It was met with widespread outrage in the LGBTQI community in Hungary. But there was also defiance, with Pride organisers insisting the event would go ahead.

Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karácsony, also backed the organisers, pledging last month to help them find a way to hold the event despite the new legislation.

But while LGBTQI activists have said they will not give in to the new law, groups working with the community say some LGBTQI people have been shaken by the legislation.

“Depending on who you speak to, the mood now among the LGBTQI community is one of fear and worry or defiance,” Luca Dudits, press spokesperson for the Hatter Society, one of Hungary’s largest LGBTQI NGOs, told IPS.

“We will see how the new provisions [in the amendment] will affect the lives of LGBTQI people in the upcoming months, especially in June, which is Pride month, with the march taking place on the 28^th,” she added, noting that after legislation was passed in 2021 banning the depiction and promotion of “diverse gender identities and sexual orientations” to under 18s, there had been  “a wave of violence and discrimination against LGBTQI people”.

“I’m hoping this will not be the case this time. A lot of people have expressed their solidarity and said that they will attend the Pride March for the first time because of this shameful constitutional amendment,” Dudits said.

Outside Hungary, organisations and politicians have also raised the alarm over the legislation.

In a letter sent to the European Commission (EC) on April 16, dozens of LGBTQI and human rights organisations demanded the EC take immediate action to ensure the event can go ahead and that people can safely attend.

They said the ban on LGBTQI events was an attack on EU fundamental rights of freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression and that its provisions marked a significant infringement on privacy and personal freedoms protected under EU law.

Meanwhile, MEPs among a delegation which visited Hungary from April 14-16 attacked the ban and said they were calling on the EC to request the European Court of Justice to suspend the law pending further legal action.

One of the MEPs, Krzysztof Smiszek, of the Polish New Left, said the new law had led to a rise in violent attacks and hate crimes against the LGBTQI community in Hungary.

The government has defended the amendment, with Orban saying after the vote in parliament that it was designed to “protect children’s development, affirming that a person is born either male or female, and standing firm against drugs and foreign interference”.

The amendment also declares that children’s rights take precedence over any other fundamental right (except the right to life) and codifies in the Constitution the recognition of only two sexes – male and female – essentially denying transgender and intersex identities.

It also allows for the suspension of Hungarian citizenship for some dual nationals if they are deemed to pose a threat to Hungary’s security or sovereignty.

Many observers see the ban and the other measures included in the amendment as part of a wider attempt by Orban’s regime to suppress dissent and weaken rights protections as it looks to consolidate its grip on power by scapegoating parts of the population, including not just LGBTQI people but migrants and civil society groups, to appeal to conservative voters.

“Authoritarian governments around the world have discovered a playbook for keeping in power – it involves vilifying certain communities. That’s the logic behind attacks on LGBTQI communities and that’s what’s behind this. I don’t think Orban cares one way or the other about LGBT people; it’s just that they are an easy target,” Neela Ghoshal, Senior Director of Law, Policy, and Research at LGBTQI group Outright International, told IPS.

“Once you prohibit one form of protest or dissent, it becomes easier to prohibit all forms of dissent. I really do think Orban wants to prohibit all forms of dissent. He is seeking absolute power; he is not interested in the traditional architecture of democracy, i.e., checks and balances and accountability,” she added.

Dudits also pointed out the absurdity of the reasoning behind the government’s defence of the amendment.

“It is true that a large majority of society are either male or female. However, there are some people who have sex characteristics (chromosomes, hormones, external and internal sex organs, and body structure) that are common to both sexes. Intersex conditions occur in many different forms and cover a wide range of health conditions. The amendment is therefore even scientifically unsound, contradicting the very biological reality that it claims to be defending so belligerently,” she said.

If picking up voter support is behind the regime’s attacks on its perceived critics, it is unclear to what extent this policy is working.

Parliamentary elections are due to be held in Hungary in April next year and current polls put Orban’s Fidesz party – which has been in power since 2010 – behind the main opposition party, Tisza, amid voter concerns about a struggling economy, a crumbling healthcare system, and alleged government corruption.

Meanwhile, although some MEPs have publicly condemned the amendment, since the parliamentary vote the EC has said only that it needs to analyse the legislative changes to see if they fall foul of EU law but would not hesitate to act if necessary.

Rights groups say EU bodies must take action or risk allowing even greater curbs on freedoms in Hungary under Orban.

“From scapegoating LGBT people to suspending Hungarian citizenship of dual citizens, the Hungarian government is cementing a legal framework that is hostile to the rule of law, equality, and democracy in blatant violation of EU law,” Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in a press release.

“Orban has shown once more his willingness to trample rights and shred protections, and there is no reason to think he won’t continue on this authoritarian path. EU institutions and member states should stand in solidarity with those in Hungary upholding EU values and do everything they can to halt the downward spiral toward authoritarianism,” he added.

Ghoshal said, though, that whatever happens, the LGBTQI community in Hungary would not give up their rights.

“The community has been through cycles of oppression and freedom. The younger members might not be able to remember it, but older members of the community will know what it is like to live under an authoritarian regime; it is in the country’s history. They have also had a taste of freedom too and they will not want to give that up.

“I think there will be a Pride march and I think there could be state violence and arrests there, but the community will remain defiant no matter what,” she said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Antonio Guterres
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 – Next month marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations Charter.

The Charter is our roadmap to a better world – our owner’s manual setting out purposes and principles – and our practical guide to advancing the three pillars of our work: peace and security, development and human rights.

Anniversaries are a time to look back and celebrate – but they are even more a time to cast our eyes to the future. It is only natural – especially in a period of turbulence and tumult – to look ahead and ask central questions:

How can we be the most effective Organization that we can be? How can we be more nimble, coordinated and fit to face the challenges of today, the next decade, and indeed the next 80 years?

The UN80 Initiative is anchored in answering these questions – and equipping our organization in an era of extraordinary uncertainty.

Yes, these are times of peril.

But they are also times of profound opportunity and obligation. The mission of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. And it is up to us to intensify our efforts to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals and be laser-focused on implementing the Pact for the Future with its many pathways to strengthen multilateralism.

As indicated in my letter of 11 March, the UN80 Initiative is structured around three key workstreams:

First, we are striving to rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements under current arrangements.

Second, we are reviewing the implementation of all mandates given to us by Member States.

And third, we are undertaking consideration of the need for structural changes and programme realignment across the UN system.

Under the first workstream on efficiencies and improvements, Under-Secretary-General Catherine Pollard is leading a Working Group for the Secretariat that is developing a management strategy to design a new business model for the Organization.

The Working Group is focused on developing cost-reduction and efficiency-enhancement proposals in management and operations across the UN Secretariat.

It is reviewing administrative functions to identify redundancies, streamline processes, and design integrated solutions – with cost-benefit analyses and clear implementation roadmaps.

Priority areas include:

Functional and structural consolidation; Workforce streamlining; Relocating services from high-cost duty stations; Centralizing IT and support services, and expanding automation and digital platforms.

While the Working Group’s immediate focus is on management and operational areas, the rest of the Secretariat will be expected to contribute towards the efficiency agenda.

For example, all Secretariat entities in New York and Geneva have been asked to review their functions to determine if any can be performed from existing, lower-cost locations, or may otherwise be reduced or abolished.

This especially pertains to those functions that do not directly support inter-governmental bodies in New York and Geneva.

With respect to the broader UN system, in April, the High-Level Committee on Management identified potential system-wide efficiency measures in areas such as human resources management, supply chain management and information and communications technologies.

Concrete proposals are now being developed, including identifying services that system organizations can provide quicker, at a lower price or through more competitive contracts.

This brings me to the second workstream: mandate implementation review.

As stated in my 11 March letter, this workstream is about how the UN system implements mandates entrusted by Member States.

We will not review the mandates themselves. Those are yours to decide on. Our job is to examine and report on how we carry them out, and our goal is to simplify and optimize how we do so.

Nearly twenty years ago, in 2006, an analysis of mandates and the “mandate-generation cycle” was carried out by the Secretariat.

A number of problems were identified, including burdensome reporting requirements, overlap between and within organs, an unwieldy and duplicative architecture for implementation, and gaps between mandates and resources.

But let’s be frank. Most of these problems are not only still with us – they have intensified.
We must do better.

Our review will be conducted holistically – looking at the entire universe of mandates, and at the entirety of their implementation. This review, therefore, cannot be limited to the UN Secretariat, but it will start there.

We have already completed an identification of all mandates reflected in the programme budget – and will soon do so for the rest of the system.

The review has so far identified over 3,600 unique mandates for the Secretariat alone. It is now deepening its examination, clustering these mandates using various analytical lenses.

After this analytical work, relevant entities and departments will be invited to identify opportunities for improvements and consolidation of efforts.

This should result in the identification of duplications, redundancies, or opportunities for greater synergy on implementation. Naturally, based on this work, Member States may wish to consider the opportunity to conduct themselves a review of the mandates.

There can be no doubt that the thousands of mandates in place today – and our machinery to implement them – stretch the capacities of Member States, especially those with smaller missions, and the UN system beyond reason.

It is as if we have allowed the formalism and quantity of reports and meetings to become ends in themselves.

The measure of success is not the volume of reports we generate or the number of meetings we convene. The measure of success – the value, purpose and aim of our work – is in the real-world difference we make in the lives of people.

This brings me to the third workstream: structural changes.

Proposals on structural change and programme realignment are likely to emerge from the mandate implementation review. But we have already got the ball rolling by soliciting the views of a number of UN senior leaders.

Their initial submissions – nearly 50 in all – show a high level of ambition and creativity.

Last week, we deepened some of our ideas and thinking about structural changes in a dedicated session of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination.

I felt a strong sense of collective determination and responsibility from the leaders of UN entities – a shared resolve to strengthen the system and assume the challenge of change and renewal – and a united commitment to bring to you, our Member States, concrete and ambitious proposals for a renewed United Nations.

The UN system is highly diverse consisting of organizations with a wide variety of structures and mandates. To advance our three workstreams, I have established seven UN80 clusters – under the coordination of the UN80 Task Force and in close cooperation with the Secretariat Working Group.

Each of the seven clusters bring together the organizations that contribute to a similar specific global objectives and similar areas of work. They will advance efforts in the three UN80 workstreams – identifying efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation review, and possible structural changes.

They will be managed at the Principals’ level and will consist of the following:

Peace and security, coordinated by DPPA, DPO, OCT, and ODA;

Development in the Secretariat and in development we have two clusters because the work in the Secretariat is very different from the work in the Agencies, but the two clusters will be working very closely together. So, development in the Secretariat is coordinated by DESA, UNCTAD, ECA, and UNEP;

Development (UN System), coordinated by UNDP, UNOPS, UNICEF and DCO;

Humanitarian, coordinated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM; Human Rights, coordinated by OHCHR; Training and Research, coordinated by UNU and UNITAR; and finally Specialized Agencies, coordinated by ITU and ILO.

They will be the locomotive force for concrete proposals. And they will operate at the high level of ambition that our times demand – and that also echo in large measure the calls contained in the Pact for the Future.

In all three workstreams, my objective is to move as quickly as possible.

Initiatives impacting on the [Proposed] Programme Budget for 2026 prepared under the coordination of the Secretariat Working Group will be included in the revised estimates for the 2026 budget to be presented in September.

As you know, the budget for 2026, the proposal was already given to ACABQ some time ago and it will be impossible to change it at the present moment. We will revise our proposals and present the revised version in September on time for the process to take place for the approval of the budget before the end of the year.

Additional changes that require more detailed analysis will be presented in the proposal for the Proposed Programme Budget for 2027. We expect meaningful reductions in the overall budget level.

For example, let me describe what is under consideration in the peace and security cluster.

First – resetting DPPA and DPO, merging units, eliminating functional and structural duplications, getting rid of functions that are also exercised in other parts of the system. I believe we’ll be able to eliminate 20% of the posts of the two departments.

Second – a similar exercise of streamlining the civilian part of Peacekeeping.

Third – The consolidation within OCT of all counterterrorism activities spread in the system.

Fourth – a review of the present structure of Regional Offices, Special Representatives and Envoys aiming at a consolidation of the system – with increased functionality and meaningful savings.

The level of reduction of posts that I have outlined for DPPA and DPO must be seen as a reference for the wider UN80 exercise, naturally taking into account the specificities of each area of work.

There might be immediate, one-off costs involved in relocating staff and providing potential termination packages. But by moving posts from high-cost locations, we can reduce our commercial footprint in those cities and reduce our post and non-post costs.

We have already seen considerable savings in New York by terminating the lease of one building and moving staff into other existing premises – and we expect to close two more buildings when their leases expire in 2027 with considerable savings.

While the regular budget is our immediate focus, the efficiency efforts will include the entire Secretariat across all funding streams. This will entail some difficult decisions as we assess structures and processes and seek meaningful efficiencies.

The impact on Member State contributions will be visible for years. But we cannot achieve the efficiencies required unless we also focus on the programmatic areas of our work.

Dedicated outreach with the wider UN system is now underway, and will take profit of the work of the established clusters. Additional proposals resulting from the other workstreams will be submitted to Member States for consideration as appropriate.

Many changes will require the approval by the General Assembly this year and next. I will consult closely and regularly with Member States on progress, seeking guidance on the way forward, and presenting concrete proposals for discussion and decision-making when appropriate.

We know that some of these changes will be painful for our UN family. Staff and their representatives are being consulted and heard. Our concern is to be humane and professional in dealing with any aspect of the required restructuring.

The UN80 Initiative is a significant opportunity to strengthen the UN system and deliver for those who depend on us.

It is central for implementing the Pact for the Future. It is crucial for advancing the Sustainable Development Goals. The needs of the people we serve must remain our guiding star.

We must always stick to principles. We must never compromise core values. We must forever uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

We will advance all this work so that our three pillars – peace and security, development and human rights – are mutually reinforced, and the geographical balance of our workforce and our gender and disability strategies will be preserved.

And we will be ever mindful of the interests of all Member States – developing countries, in particular. Your active engagement and support for the UN80 Initiative is vital to ensure that efforts are inclusive, innovative, and representative of the needs of all Member States.

The success of the UN80 Initiative depends on all of us living up to our shared and complementary responsibilities. Many decisions ultimately are in your hands as Member States. Many of you have agreed that this must be the moment to be bold and ambitious.

That is what our Organization needs – and that is what our times demand. Make no mistake – uncomfortable and difficult decisions lie ahead.

It may be easier – and even tempting – to ignore them or kick the can down the road.
But that road is a dead end. We cannot afford to act in any other way than with the highest level of ambition and common purpose.

Let us seize this momentum with urgency and determination, and work together to build the strongest and most effective United Nations for today and tomorrow.

IPS UN Bureau

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Excerpt:

UN Secretary-General’s briefing to delegates on the UN80 initiative.

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 – A six-page internal document, marked “STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL” on every single page – indicating restricted access to protect sensitive information– is one of the most comprehensive “compilation of non-attributable suggestions by the UN80 Task Force” on the proposed restructuring of the world body.

The memo says “the progressive proliferation of UN agencies, funds, and programs has led to a fragmented development system, with overlapping mandates, inefficient use of resources, and inconsistent delivery of services”.

Excerpts from the document.

• Outdated working methods leading to inefficiencies while intergovernmental meetings are not making use of modern tools and technologies.

• Overlapping agendas – such as between ECOSOC and its functional commissions and expert bodies, and those of the General Assembly and its Second and Third Committees – leading to duplication of efforts.

• Geopolitical shifts and substantial reductions in foreign aid budgets challenging the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Organization and

• the continued inflation of Under-Secretaries-General (USG), Assistant Secretaries-General (ASG) and Directors (D) positions.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres

Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury, a former Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the UN (2002-2007) and Permanent Representative of Bangladesh to the UN (1996-2001), told IPS Secretary-General Antonio Guterres would be remembered for introducing fancy nomenclature for his initiatives such as “Pact for the Future” which got acronymized as POTF and UN 2.0 and now UN80.

“It is difficult to understand why the long overdue structural and programmatic reforms of the UN system need to be timed with the organization’s 80th anniversary. Expectedly, such anniversary-rationaled and liquidity-crunch-panic-driven, window-dressing reform agenda would face major challenges before it takes off.”

Since it was launched at the beginning of last March, the UN80 initiative has not been discussed with the UN Member States who would decide its fate or civil society, or most importantly, , its staff the backbone of the organization, and its staff members who are expected to be most directly affected in a major way, said Ambassador Chowdhury, who was also the Chairman of the UN General Assembly’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee (1997-1998)

“These so-called structural reforms have been on the agenda of at least for the last four Secretaries-General but without having much significant impact, except acronym-changing, mandate-creeping and structure-tweaking”.

The internal confidential memo has identified systemic dysfunctions, namely, mandate overlap, bureaucratic sprawl, slow decision-making, and a disconnect between headquarters and field realities.

The multiplication of senior posts and competition among entities have undermined collaboration and confused partners on the ground, he said.

“I believe the UN is resilient enough to overcome the multiple crises it has been facing for years. The SG needs to show determination and solidarity with the staff under his leadership without succumbing to the undue pressures.”

DOGE-UN like efforts needs to be dodged effectively by the leadership of the UN. It is not a make-or-break situation. The SG needs to speak openly and publicly with the staff as a part of the initiative to wither the storm, said Ambassador Chowdhury.

As a senior UN official conversant with the issues said recently “Restructuring and merging UN entities are not a panacea for the UN’s problems. They should be embarked upon only if they lead to a more effective and efficient organization.”

“I agree fully with him and emphasize that the UN should take this challenge as an opportunity to change”, he declared.

Samir Sanbar, a former Assistant Secretary-General and head of the UN’s one-time Department of Public Information (DPI) told IPS: “Reform and Restructuring” were terms habitually and conveniently used to erode international civil service and undercut relevant potential initiatives by the Secretary-General whose vague role in the Charter allows for varied interpretations by different Secretaries General.

The “big five” permanent members (P5) may disagree in politics yet discreetly agree to influence basic decisions inside the Secretariat. The United Nations clearly needs the big powers to survive yet it needs the developing countries to succeed, he argued.

Meanwhile, the document also refers to Systemic solutions:

• Advance a more streamlined, impactful, and fiscally responsible organization by building on three core principles: integration to foster greater mandate coherence, consolidation to improve functional efficiency, and coordination to enhance overall effectiveness.

• Move towards a more integrated and collaborative model whose footprint reflects fiscal responsibility.

• Rationalize programmes/entities implementing similar mandates to eliminate redundancy and ensure a strategic reduction of the UN’s presence in high-cost locations to ensure long-term financial sustainability.

• Position reforms as proactive measures to enhance UN agility and responsiveness that extends beyond measures for cost-cutting or austerity.

• Ensure a system-wide commitment to delivering the UN’s mandate in ways that are principled, forward-looking, innovative and effective.

• Increase scale for greater impact.

• Reduce number of high-level posts (D1 and above)

Peace & Security

Merge multiple entities into a single Peace and Security entity.

— Establish a UN Peace & Security Department managing political, peace & peacebuilding engagement globally, including DPPA, DOS, DPO, ODA, UNODC, OCT, OSAA.

— Establish a single Department of Political Affairs and Peace Operations by merging DPPA and DPO, headed by a single USG. Consolidate substantive/technical support functions for peace in one structural location.

— [Partial merger] Comprehensive restructuring of DPO and DPPA, further consolidating their regional divisions and policy divisions to eliminate redundancies, improve coordination, and enhance the relevance of policies.

–Consider moving Peace and Security resources closer to the field.

— Consider a regional approach and decentralisation policy for Secretariat entities. Send the regional and policy offices for DPA, DPKO, OCHA to their respective regions to be nearer the areas they cover, just like the Agencies, Funds and Programmes have done. The USG, ASG with respective front offices, as well as offices that directly support the GA, various committees and the Security Council, should remain in New York.

— Consider strategic relocation of peace and security personnel closer to field missions to improve responsiveness and effectiveness.

— Decentralize a significant percentage of political, peace & peacebuilding resources to regional levels and UNCTs.

— Consolidate Special Envoy and Special Advisor mandates to eliminate overlaps, such as UNOCA overlapping mandate with MINUSCA and MONUSCO; and, the SRSG for Horn of Africa and SRSG for the Great Lakes’ overlapping mandates with the countries they cover. Consider a possible merger of UNOAU and the Great Lakes Office.

–Establish a single Office for Counter-Terrorism, by merging OCT and UNODC’s counterterrorism related policy functions or a broader merger of the two entities.

— Establish a single Office for Disarmament Affairs with USG/High Representative for Disarmament relocating and also serving as Director-General of UNOG. Integrate ODA’s regional programmatic capacities into UN’s regional hubs or broader regional UN presences.

–Strengthen coordination between UNIDIR and OPCW. Consider merging UNIDIR with UNITAR and further consolidate with other research & training institutes.

Humanitarian Affairs

Merge multiple entities into a single humanitarian entity.

— Create a streamlined “UN Humanitarian Response and Protection Organization”, by integrating OCHA, UNHCR and IOM, leveraging WFP’s expertise for material assistance procurement, distribution and logistics.

— Establish a UN Humanitarian Operations Department managing UN-wide humanitarian preparedness and response, including OCHA, WFP, UNRWA and a UN Refugee & Migration Agency (merging UNHCR and IOM). Consider whether UNDP Crisis Bureau should be consolidated into Department.

— Merge operational responsibilities and capabilities of major operational agencies (WFP, UNHCR, UNICEF, WHO) in humanitarian and conflict affected contexts.

–Merge Rome-based agencies’ operational capacity.

–Align programmes for overlapping agencies: UNHCR and IOM; WFP and FAO; etc.

–Consider whether OCHA should remain in New York or move to ensure field operations are much more localized with implementing partners.

Sustainable Development

–Consolidate and reduce the number of UN development system entities.

— Establish a UN Sustainable Development Department that consolidates relevant entities to ensure cohesive and integrated support for the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, including: (Secretariat entities) DCO, DESA, UNDRR, UN-OHRLLS and (other entities) UNDP, UNCDF, UNV, UNRISD, FAO, IFAD, UN-Habitat, WHO, UN-Women, UNESCO, UNICEF, UNEP, WB, IMF, WTO, UNOPS, UNICEF, UNIDO, UNESCO.

— Migrate financially non-viable entities. For example, UNAIDS, under severe financial pressure and with a sunset clause of 2030, could transition into another, larger entity such as WHO or UNDP.

— Merge UNDP and UNOPS, creating a single entity to seamlessly integrate strategic planning with project implementation. Integrate the International Computing Centre (ICC) to provide efficient and tailored IT support.

–Integrate UNFCCC into UNEP to create a stronger global environment authority and consolidating the administrative functions under UNON’s existing support structure for UNEP. Consider whether COP in current form should be discontinued.

— Strategic integration of UNAIDS into WHO, creating a more unified and efficient global health authority. o Merge UN WOMEN and UNFPA to create a powerful new entity focused on advancing gender equality and reproductive health and rights.

–Align select UNICEF programmes with this new entity, especially those focused on adolescent girls’ well-being and gender-based violence prevention and response. o Center the structural reform proposals around our four basic pillars, each with a geographic focus (Nairobi/ Africa should be the center of development agencies, including UNDP/ UNICEF/ UNFPA).

Strengthen coordination among development entities, including:

— Enhance coordination between the UNEP and UN-Habitat to promote sustainable urban development.

— Enhance coordination between UNCTAD and ITC to effectively integrate policy expertise with capacity-building, resulting in more impactful programmes.

–Reorganizing UNDP’s Regional Bureaux around countries’ shared development challenges rather than traditional geographic regions would improve programme relevance, resource allocation, and partnerships with multilateral banks.

— Consolidate Functional Commissions under ECOSOC; rotate Functional Commission meetings to be held among Regional Commissions or hold them in Nairobi; consider replacing annual with biennial sessions.

Human Rights

–Merge multiple entities into a single human rights entity.

— Establish a unified “Office for the Protection of Vulnerable Populations” by consolidating offices dealing with protection issues affecting vulnerable populations (CAAC, SVC, VAC, SEA) within OHCHR.

— Consolidate the specialized protection mandates and offices in OHCHR, with each area headed at Director level, reporting to ASG/OHCHR.

— Establish a UN Human Rights Department led by High Commissioner for Human Rights, coordinating human rights promotion and protection across the UN system, including servicing the UN human rights mechanisms and integrating human rights into sustainable development, peace & security and humanitarian engagement.

–Merge protection mandates (CAAC, SVC, VAC, Genocide Prevention & Responsibility to Protect into the Department. Reduce senior posts by replacing existing 4 USGs + 1 ASG with 1 ASG + 1 D2 + 2 D1s, thereby lowering costs, and redistribute existing resources from respective offices across the Department – prioritizing use of RB resources to fulfill existing mandates

Resident Coordinators system

–Streamline coordination arrangements at country, regional and global levels by transitioning current coordination arrangements, including fixed RCs, RCOs with rigidly defined staff capacities and a large DCO headquarters and regional presence into a smaller and more focused support structure.

–Explore rotational leadership among UN Country Team heads to maintain UN coherence without fixed infrastructure, supported by an agile and lean DCO that would support the UNSDG as its Secretariat. Only in cases of humanitarian emergencies, dedicated RC/HCs would be necessary to deploy, given the complexity of these settings.

–Boost coordination/leadership role of RC/HC, including clearer oversight of agencies in country and a prioritised country strategy. • Strengthen coordination between the UN Resident Coordinator System and the Regional Economic Commissions to foster integrated regional development strategies, improve data sharing and enhance policy advocacy.

–Consider a strategic reduction of the Resident Coordinator System’s presence in countries to optimize resource allocation and promote greater national ownership of development initiatives.

–Consider a fundamental re-orientation of the UN system’s country-level engagement, including by folding in peace and political missions and ensuring that RCs can utilize pooled funds to reconfigure and tailor engagement based on changes on the ground.

Cross-cutting proposals Structural

–Establish an Executive Secretariat supporting the Secretary-General’s leadership and coordination of the UN system by managing all corporate services, including: administration, management, communications, human resources, policy, strategic planning, secretariat support to Charter-based organs. The Executive Secretariat would include EOSG, DGACM, DGC, DMSPC, OLA, DSS, OIOS, Ethics Office, Ombuds, Administration of Justice, UNON, UNOV, UNOP & UNOG.

–Establish a unified ‘Normative Policy Hub’, which could consolidate several functions: o Elements of OHRLLS focused on development advocacy, into other entities’ global policy functions.

— Other small Secretariat offices with thematic mandates on human rights, civic space, migration policy, and innovation, where mandate complementarity exists.

–Streamline/merge thematic Special Envoy offices, including the Office of the Special Envoy for Africa and the Office of the SRSG to the African Union; the Office of the Tech Envoy; Offices of Special Envoys / Advisers with narrow or duplicated mandates, e.g. Indigenous Issues, Small Island States.

–Conduct cost-benefit analyses for merging entities serving similar sectors or audiences (e.g., digital, youth-focused initiatives); consider integrating them into unified units with shared resources.

Other proposals

–Revisit the frequency of intergovernmental meetings; streamline reporting processes; explore alternative information-sharing tools and formats such as policy briefs or dashboards like SDG tools instead of written annual reports by the Secretary-General; digitize processes using real-time platforms and data tools, to better support hybrid and virtual meetings.

–Before creating new offices, make all efforts to delegate functions to existing structures.

–Avoid creating new coordination mechanisms (especially multi-layer coordination) and strengthen existing coordination mechanisms.

–More coherent approach to future: climate change/AI/cyber/big tech/data: consolidate various units into centralized capacity under a USG for the future.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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