By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Nov 19 2025 – With the longest shutdown of the U.S. government now over, the White House, Congress, the media, and the public have shifted their attention to the contentious and highly political issue of releasing the files related to Jeffrey Epstein.

The White House’s resistance to releasing Epstein-related documents brings to mind the famous line from Shakespeare’s Hamlet that the U.S. president “doth protest too much, methinks.”

For many, the president’s continued denials of any wrongdoing suggest the opposite is true.

According to a Marist poll conducted in October, 77% of the U.S. public support the release of all files relating to Jeffrey Epstein. Another 13% want some of the Epstein files released, while only 9% don’t want any documents released (Figure 1).

Source: Marist poll.

According to other polls, a majority of the U.S. public, 67%, believe that the government is covering up evidence and 61% think the Epstein files contain embarrassing information about the president (Figure 2).

Source: Polls of The Economist/YouGov, the Washington Post, and University of Amherst.

A similar percentage, 63%, believe the president is hiding important information, while 61% disapprove of the president’s handling of the Epstein files. Additionally, 53% believe the files are sealed because the president is named in them.

Much of the country’s population believes that the president does not want the Epstein files released because the information contained within is criminal or embarrassing. In a national poll conducted in July, a majority of the U.S. public, 61%, thought that the Epstein files contain embarrassing information about the president.

Democratic lawmakers and some Republicans in Congress are pushing for the release of all Epstein files and actively working towards a Congressional vote to make it happen.

Furthermore, a bipartisan group of Congressional lawmakers believes that releasing the Epstein files is a moral imperative that will help bring justice to more than a thousand victims and prioritize truth over political convenience. In addition, a group of Epstein’s victims are featured in a new ad calling on Congress to pass the pending legislation.

In addition to acknowledging its widespread support among the U.S. public, the president’s reversal also seems to recognize that supporters of the measure to release the Epstein files have enough votes to pass it in the House. However, the president never truly needed the approval of Congress, as he has the power to release the files himself

Recent news reports indicate that the White House is now in panic mode. In addition to criticizing Democrats who are pushing for a Congressional vote, the president has spoken out strongly against Republican lawmakers who support the release of the Epstein files.

Further complicating matters are the newly released documents from Jeffrey Epstein’s estate that contain several messages referencing the U.S. president. Additionally, a review by the Wall Street Journal found that the U.S. president was mentioned in more than 1,600 of the 2,324 email threads.

Despite this, the president continues to object to the release of the Epstein files, claiming it is a Democrat-manufactured hoax. He further asserts that there is nothing in the Epstein files that would incriminate him. The president’s supporters argue that the issue is merely a fake narrative intended to smear and slander him.

The Epstein files refer to the extensive collection of documents related to the convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein and the pedophile ring that victimized hundreds of children.

On August 10, 2019, prison guards claimed that Epstein had apparently committed suicide in his prison cell while awaiting trial on sex trafficking charges.

Initially expressing suspicion about the suicide, the country’s attorney general described Epstein’s death as “a perfect storm of screw-ups,” Subsequently, Epstein’s death unleashed conspiracy theories online suggesting that he was killed to prevent him from incriminating others.

For example, in 2011, Epstein wrote the following to Ghislaine Maxwell, his associate and aide: “I want you to realize that the dog that hasn’t barked is trump … (victim) spent hours at my house with him.” In 2018, Epstein further wrote, “I am the one able to take him down and you see, I know how dirty donald is”.

The president’s name also appeared in Epstein’s correspondence, indicating that he was aware of Epstein’s activities. Despite previously praising Epstein as a “terrific guy”, the president now claims that they barely knew each other.

National polling data from mid-2025 shows that nearly half of the U.S. public, about 46%, believed the president was involved in Jeffrey Epstein’s crimes.

A growing number of the U.S. population support the release of the Epstein files to ensure all information is available, allowing the innocent to go free, and ensuring the guilty face judgment.

After months of attempting to delay or prevent a vote and a discharge petition by Democrats, joined by four Republicans, the House of Representatives reached the 218-signature threshold. On 18 November, the House voted on legislation to compel the Department of Justice to release all its case files tied to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

After the legislation passed 427 to1 in the House, the Senate considered mandating the release of the files. Similar to the House, the Senate decided to pass the bill by unanimous consent without any objections raised. The legislation is now on track to reach the president’s desk for his signature, despite his previous attempts to kill it.

Recently, the president made an unexpected and stark reversal from his previous position of opposing the release of the Epstein files. The president called on House Republicans to support a proposal to release files connected to the Jeffrey Epstein investigation, stating that “we have nothing to hide, and it’s time to move on from this Democrat Hoax”.

In addition to acknowledging its widespread support among the U.S. public, the president’s reversal also seems to recognize that supporters of the measure to release the Epstein files have enough votes to pass it in the House. However, the president never truly needed the approval of Congress, as he has the power to release the files himself.

Furthermore, the president’s reversal allows him to claim support for transparency. It is also seen as a strategic move that shifts the responsibility onto Congress, limits politically damaging defections by Republican lawmakers, and avoids a likely political setback.

This move also has the potential to use the ongoing investigation as a way for the administration to control the timing and extent of future document releases, especially those concerning the president’s ties to the sex offender. The situation is further complicated by the president’s call for the U.S. Attorney General to investigate several Democrats, with these investigations serving as a justification for withholding the files.

With both the Senate and the House having passed bills for the release of the files, the legislation is now being sent to the president for his approval or veto. However, it is unclear when the files could be released and whether they would satisfy those advocating for the complete release of the Epstein files.

In a significant change to his political strategy, the president recently announced that he would sign the Epstein files bill if Congress passed it. However, as he has done in the recent past, the president could change his mind upon reviewing the legislation and decide to veto it.

At this point, it seems unlikely that the president will veto the legislation as Congress has the power to override his veto with a two-thirds majority vote in both the House of Representatives and the Senate.

If all the files related to Jeffrey Epstein are released, the information they contain has the potential to trigger the largest scandal in the history of the United States presidency. Such a scandal could compel the president to say something similar to the line from Hamlet: “Adieu, adieu, adieu. Remember me.”

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications.

By Franck Kuwonu
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 19 2025 – “Sometimes the best way to grasp a concept,” says Chris Folayan, co-founder and executive officer of Luma Learn, “is to learn it in your native language.”

Seventeen-year-old South African Simphiwe is one of more than 10,000 learners already using Luma Learn, an AI-powered tutor platform. For him, artificial intelligence isn’t an abstract idea: it is a personal tutor that is patient, consistent, and always online.

When on his phone, he’s not always chatting with a classmate or scrolling through social media. Many times, he’s studying physics with Luma Learn, that replies instantly, even in IsiZulu, his mother tongue.

Across several countries on the African continent, innovators like Folayan, Nthanda Manduwi, and Anie Akpe are reimagining what education can look like: localised, practical, and accessible to anyone with a phone or connection.

Together, they’re building a new learning ecosystem: one where AI isn’t replacing teachers but multiplying their reach.”

Nthanda Manduwi: Turning digital skills into interactive ecosystems

“I’ve always believed that technology can democratize opportunity,” says Nthanda Manduwi, founder of Digital Skills for Africa (DSA) and Q2 Corporation. “AI gives us a real chance to leapfrog the barriers that have slowed Africa’s progress, from infrastructure gaps to unequal access to training.”

Her journey began with Digital Skills for Africa, a platform designed to equip young people with practical tech competencies from AI and automation to no-code tools and digital marketing.

“Our courses like ‘Effective Use of AI’ or ‘AI and the Future of Digital Marketing’ were created to help learners not only understand AI but actually apply it,” she explains. “You leave with real, marketable skills you can use to build something or get hired.”

But scaling that vision revealed a challenge many edtech startups face. “We realised enthusiasm alone doesn’t pay the bills,” she says. “There was low willingness to pay for courses, even from institutions. So, we had to rethink how to make digital learning sustainable.”

That rethink led to Q2 Corporation, her new venture linking learning with livelihood. Under Q2’s umbrella sits Kwathu Farms—an innovative gamified agricultural simulator where users learn how to manage farms, predict supply chain issues, and test business models before investing real money.

“AI makes the learning immersive,” Ms. Manduwi explains. “Through simulations, learners can see how weather or market shocks affect yield, and how small decisions impact entire value chains. It turns agriculture into a classroom. And a business lab.”

Behind these simulations run Q2’s proprietary engines, NoxTrax and AgroTrax, which apply AI to real-time logistics and resource management. “It’s about showing that AI isn’t just for coders,” she says. “It’s for farmers, small businesses, anyone who wants to think and plan more intelligently.”

Ms. Manduwi’s mission remains rooted in access. “For Africa to truly benefit from AI, it can’t be an elite tool. It must live where people already are: on their phones, in their communities, in local languages.”

Anie Akpe: Creating spaces where AI meets human creativity

Where Ms. Manduwi builds ecosystems, Anie Akpe builds spaces. Through her work with African Women in Technology (AWIT)and Lumo Hubs, Ms. Akpe has spent over a decade helping innovators, especially women, turn curiosity into competence.

“With AWIT, I started by organising conferences across the continent,” she recalls. “We created safe spaces where women could connect with mentors and learn skills that weren’t taught in schools: digital literacy, entrepreneurship, coding, design.”

Soon, even male students began asking to participate. “That’s when I realized it wasn’t just about women in technology. It was about us (Africans) finding a place in a digital world that was changing fast.”

The next step came naturally. “When AI began to disrupt industries, I saw that we couldn’t just talk about skills. We had to create environments where people could use those skills,” she says. “That’s how Lumo Hubs was born.”

Each hub combines education, creativity, and entrepreneurship. “In one space, you might find a student learning AI-assisted graphic design, a seamstress using AI to plan production, and a young podcaster recording a show in a studio powered by the hub,” Ms. Akpe explains. “The model is hybrid, physical and digital, so even small towns can host a Lumo Hub.”

She is also deliberate about sustainability. “Community members pay; students pay less. It’s important that we don’t depend only on grants,” she says. “That balance keeps the hubs alive and the learning continuous.”

At the heart of Lumo Hubs lies mentorship. “You can’t separate technology from human guidance,” Akpe insists. “AI helps scale learning, but mentorship builds confidence.” Her approach remains rooted in empowerment. “AI can level the playing field if used right. A young person in Lagos or Uyo doesn’t have to wait for opportunity. They can create it.”

Chris Folayan: A tutor that never sleeps

For Chris Folayan, the idea behind Luma Learn came from a simple observation: “The continent doesn’t just have an access problem. It has a teaching gap too.”

According to UNESCO, Sub-Saharan Africa will need 15 million new teachers in the next five years to meet demand. “With classrooms that sometimes have over 100 students per teacher, no one can give every child the help they need,” Mr. Folayan says. “That’s where Luma Learn steps in.”

Luma Learn is an AI tutor that runs on WhatsApp, not a separate app.

“We chose WhatsApp for a reason,” he explains. “It’s already on most phones, it’s free to message, works on low bandwidth, and keeps data safe through encryption. That means a child in a rural area can learn without worrying about internet costs or app installations.”

The platform adapts to the learner’s grade level, curriculum, and preferred language. “Whether you need algebra in English or history in Swahili, Luma Learn can teach, quiz, and explain at your level,” he says. “It learns how you learn.”

Mr. Folayan shares two powerful testimonies. In Durban, a mother named Happyness wrote that her son, after years of illness, seizures, and missed schooling, caught up with the rest of the class with help from Luma Learn.

“Every time Vuyo wants to know something about school, we just ask Luma! What’s great is that Luma explains in our native language, IsiZulu.”

In another case, Simphiwe, a Grade 11 student from KwaZulu-Natal, sent over 1,200 messages to Luma. “Luma Learn wasn’t just another study resource,” he said. “It became the personal teaching assistant I desperately needed.”

Shared goals: One vision, many pathways

Three innovators. Three different models. One shared purpose: to make AI work for Africa’s learners, not the other way around. Across their stories, several threads stand out.

First, access—from WhatsApp tutors to open learning hubs to gamified ecosystems that teach real-world problem-solving.

Second, localisation—learning in local languages, within familiar tools, and around community realities.

Third, empowerment—every model links knowledge directly to opportunity.

From Ms. Manduwi’s gamified farms to Ms. Akpe’s creative hubs, to Mr. Folayan’s WhatsApp tutor, future classrooms are already here — decentralised, digital, and deeply human.

As Ms. Manduwi puts it, “We must stop treating AI as something imported. It’s a tool we can mold to fit our own systems.”

Ms. Akpe echoes that sentiment: “Africa doesn’t lack talent. It lacks platforms that meet learners where they are.”

And Mr. Folayan completes the picture: “No teacher wants their student left behind. With AI, we can make sure no one is.”

At the end of the day, a student in Durban learns physics through Luma. A young designer in Uyo experiments with AI tools at a Lumo Hub. A farmer in Lilongwe tests market scenarios on Kwathu Farms. Each represents a different face of the same revolution — a continent using intelligence, both human and artificial, to learn without limits.

As Ms. Akpe says: “The vision is simple: a generation that doesn’t just survive AI disruption but thrives because of it.” And as Ms. Manduwi concludes: “AI is not a threat to Africa. It’s our greatest chance to catch up. And lead.”

Anie Akpe and Chris Folayan were participants at the Global Africa Business Initiative (GABI): Unstoppable Africa2025, held in New York City on the margins of the UN General Assembly in September. The platform helps foster networking, exposure to potential business partners, and garner support for their initiatives.

Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations

IPS UN Bureau

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The idea of land abundance is a colonial fiction that refuses to die. Our research shows that Africa’s lands are already intensively used and deeply valued by millions of rural people. Professor Ruth Hall, Director–PLAAS at the University of the Western Cape.

By Joyce Chimbi
BELÉM, Brazil, Nov 19 2025 – At a Conference of the Parties, where science intersects with politics, reaching agreements is often a tricky business. What is inside the last-minute negotiations as the COP presidency tries to get the parties to agreement at the final plenary?

COP negotiators are diplomats and government officials who meet at the Conference of the Parties to negotiate and agree on how to address climate change. They are also often joined by COP delegates’ representatives from civil society, social movements and businesses.

As representatives of their respective countries that are parties to the UNFCCC treaty, they discuss, debate, and haggle over their preferred wording of texts and legally binding agreements regarding how to address climate change during closed-door sessions.

Windowless Closed-Door Meetings

These closed-door meetings are often also windowless, and negotiators often lose track of time as they work through extensive documentation and diverse national positions to form a final agreement towards the end of the COP summit schedule.

COP 30, Belém, is posting a daily photographic glimpse into the collective effort to build trust, dialogue, and cooperation to accelerate meaningful climate action and deliver its benefits to all. Many hope this message will permeate inside these rooms.

The UN climate summit has now entered its final stages. The Brazilian COP30 Presidency has extended working hours, scheduling late-night meetings for the last two nights—Monday and Tuesday, Nov 17 and 18, 2025.

Tonight might not be any different, as the COP30 Presidency pushes for a rapid compromise and conclusion of a significant part of negotiations to pave the way for a “plenary to gavel the Belém political package.”

After all, the COP is where the science of the Paris Agreement intersects with politics.

The Elusive True Mutirão 

The COP30 Presidency is urging all “negotiators to join in a true mutirão—a collective mobilization of minds, hearts, and hands,” saying this approach helps “accelerate the pace, bridge divides, and focus not on what separates us, but on what unites us in purpose and humanity.”

But this is the point in the negotiations, even in a ‘COP of truth,’ as COP30 was staged to be, where the real claws come out amid accusations of protectionism, trade tensions and geopolitical dynamics as the worlds of business, politics and human survival intersect.

Even as UN officials urge parties to accelerate the pace, warning that “tactical delays and procedural obstructions are no longer tenable” and that deferring challenging issues to overtime results in collective loss, reconciling deep differences among nations is proving easier said than done even within the Global Mutirão—a concept championed by the COP30 presidency.

It calls for worldwide collective action on climate change, inspired by the Brazilian and Indigenous Tupi-Guarani tradition of mutirão, which means “collective effort.” The bone of contention at this juncture is what some parties see as weak climate commitments, insufficient financial pledges from the global North to South, and trade measures.

Protectionism

Trade measures are turning contentious and deeply debatable in Belém because of a difference of perspective—developing countries view them as protectionism, while some developed countries see them as necessary to level the playing field for their climate policies.

For developing countries, protectionism is a deliberate strategy by more developed countries to limit imports to protect their industries from foreign competition and therefore give them an undue advantage.  Developing nations say this is unfair because it restricts their ability to export and gain access to larger markets.

The core of the debate at COP30 is the inclusion of issues like the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) in climate talks. For some countries, CBAM is a direct part of climate action and belongs at COP. Others say it is an agenda best discussed at the World Trade Organization.

The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is a tool to put a price on the carbon emissions of certain imported goods, ensuring that the carbon price for imports is equivalent to that for domestic EU production. Its main goals are to prevent “carbon leakage,” or companies moving production to countries with weaker climate policies, encourage cleaner production globally, and protect EU businesses by creating a level playing field.

How to Go About a Just Transition?

The business of climate change is not the only thing that is complex and divisive. There are also small island states calling for rapid emissions cuts vis-à-vis the positions of major emerging economies. G77 and China are an intergovernmental coalition of 134 developing countries that work together to promote their collective economic and developmental interests within the United Nations framework.

China is not an official member and does not pay dues. It has been a partner since 1976, providing significant financial support and political backing to the G77. Developed countries such as the UK, Norway, Japan, and Australia are pushing back against their proposed global just transition, thereby prolonging the negotiations.

Developed nations are refusing the global just transition proposal by the G77 and China because they see it as a new and unnecessary mechanism and a duplication of existing structures. They refuse to accept the financial and technical support these countries are asking for to facilitate this transition. Simply put, they want a less strict framework that allows their own interpretations of existing institutions and funding structures for the just transition.

Where is the Adaptation Financing?

Finance for adaptation is similarly a sticking point. Developed nations are dragging their feet around committing sufficient funds to support developing nations to adapt to climate impacts and transition their energy systems. It is still not clear whether financial commitments will be embedded inside adaptation goals or remain as they are—separate.

Lobbyists and the Fossil Fuel Debate

Amidst growing tensions, it is also not clear whether this COP will phase out or phase down fossil fuels in the final agreement. The large delegation of fossil fuel lobbyists suggests it is too early to call. On the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA), those who want indicators for measuring adaptation progress directly linked to financial commitments will not budge. The settlement of this matter could potentially take two years (or more).

Disagreements are ongoing about the mandate of the Mitigation Work Program, which seeks to raise ambitions on national emissions reduction. In general, insiders to the negotiations are saying general negotiation tactics are at play.

Some participants are employing delay tactics to buy time and ultimately weasel out of certain commitments; a lack of trust continues, as it has in previous COPs, along with generally slow progress on building consensus around various contentious issues.

This feature is published with the support of Open Society Foundations.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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Excerpt:

The COP30 Presidency is urging all “negotiators to join in a true mutirão—a collective mobilization of minds, hearts, and hands,” saying this approach helps “accelerate the pace, bridge divides, and focus not on what separates us, but on what unites us in purpose and humanity.”