By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Aug 26 2025 – President Trump, you are the only leader who can stop Netanyahu from committing another genocide in Gaza. The whole world is watching. Do not allow yourself to become an accessory to the murder of thousands of innocent Palestinian women and children and the utter destruction of what’s left of Gaza

As I am writing this column, the Israeli military is converging on Gaza to destroy what has been left after 22 months of relentless war that killed more than 60,000 Palestinians and leveled to the ground 80 percent of its infrastructure.

To say that this is unconscionable is an understatement. The whole world must awake to this unfolding disaster, which is tantamount to a second genocide against the Palestinians. The Netanyahu government is not hiding its intended crimes against humanity. Eli Cohen, a minister in Israel’s security cabinet, despicably stated, “Gaza City itself should be exactly like Rafah, which we turned into a city of ruins.”

Credit: UN News

The whole world should be up in arms and stop at nothing to stop Netanyahu’s new catastrophic offensive. Trump, more than any other global leader, has the power not to ask but demand that Netanyahu stop his second genocide that will kill thousands of Palestinian women and children and displace hundreds of thousands, making Gaza entirely uninhabitable.

Trump must remember that if he does not act immediately, given his power and ability to stop the Israeli new offensive, history will judge him as an accessory to the genocide that will inevitably occur, because the US is supplying Israel with the weapons and ammunition to kill Palestinians.

President Trump must also remember that even if Israel succeeds in its campaign to commit a total ethnic cleansing of Gaza, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will only enter a new phase of violence unfathomable in its scope and catastrophic implications.

Hamas will not be liquidated as a movement, no matter what Israel does. Beyond that, new radical movements will mushroom throughout the Middle East and destabilize the entire region to a level unseen before. Instead of forging new peace accords, Trump will face new, raging, violent conflicts that will be beyond his control.

This is the time when Trump’s leadership will matter the most. There is no time to spare. It may seem oversimplified, but it will indeed take only a phone call to Netanyahu to demand that he stop his offensive immediately. This is a humanitarian issue of the highest order.

Even the most ardent supporters of Israel in the US will understand that America still has a moral obligation that it cannot forfeit, even when a close ally is involved. Instead of aiding the butcher Netanyahu, Trump will emerge as a statesman who rose to the call of the hour.

And if Trump is still dreaming of earning the Nobel Peace Prize, he should not only stop the new Israeli genocidal offensive but also push for an end to the war in Gaza, demand an exit strategy from Netanyahu, and work toward finding a permanent solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU). He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Lepakorn Phisainontarith and Hamish Patten
BANGKOK, Thailand, Aug 26 2025 – As climate change intensifies, disasters like hurricanes, floods, droughts and wildfires are becoming more frequent and devastating. Rising sea levels are further threatening coastal communities, putting millions at risk. Strengthening disaster preparedness and resilience is now essential to protect lives and mitigate long-term climate impacts.

When disasters strike, accurate data is crucial for effective response and recovery. A key impact of disasters is population displacement. Disasters, including slow-onset ones, can make areas unsafe or uninhabitable.

When homes are destroyed, livestock are lost, crops fail or local economies collapse, relocation often becomes a necessity. Health risks and resource shortages add to the pressure, all contributing to the forced displacement of many.

Despite this increasing phenomenon, many displaced people remain invisible in official records, making it difficult to measure the true impact of disasters and impeding an evidence-informed response. Similarly, disasters and their aftermath often bring mass casualties, yet the true death toll is frequently unclear or only discovered long after the event, if at all.

Displaced people are often in need of proof of their legal identity in order to access essential services, both long standing and those related to disaster response. Civil registration and vital statistics (CRVS) systems ensure the continuous, permanent and universal recording of vital events such as births, deaths and marriages, the issuance of documents to individuals, as well as the compilation of related statistics.

Strengthening these systems is key to ensuring that all displaced individuals are counted and that disaster-related deaths are properly recorded.

A well-functioning CRVS system is also essential for disaster management as it enables authorities to identify affected populations, coordinate humanitarian aid and support family reunification. Linking CRVS with other data sources can further improve the ability to locate and assist those impacted.

Reliable cause-of-death data can help distinguish between direct deaths caused by disasters and indirect ones due to disrupted healthcare, malnutrition or unsafe living conditions. This insight is crucial for developing targeted policy responses, ensuring aid reaches the most vulnerable and support long-term recovery and effective rebuilding

However, disasters can severely disrupt CRVS systems. Damaged infrastructure, mass population displacement and restricted access to registration services make it harder for affected individuals to maintain or restore legal identity documents—precisely when they need them most.

Without these records, displaced individuals may struggle to access humanitarian aid, healthcare or even reunite with family members. To prevent this, CRVS systems must be resilient. Digitalization of CRVS systems help facilitate the continuous recording of vital events even during crises. This supports faster and more inclusive recovery for the affected populations.

Linking CRVS systems for inclusive disaster and displacement response

Integrating CRVS systems with disaster response mechanisms enable authorities to support displaced populations more effectively, ensure access to aid and maintain legal identity especially in protracted situations. A resilient CRVS system strengthens both immediate crisis response, and long-term preparedness and recovery.

Key opportunities for linking CRVS systems with disaster and displacement data include:

• Improving data accuracy by harmonizing CRVS records with census and disaster response databases,
• Ensuring inclusion of hard-to-reach groups, such as refugees and displaced populations outside formal camps who may be overlooked,
• Tracking displacement over time to better understand its duration and long-term effects,
• Informing policy and planning by aligning CRVS with national and regional displacement statistics and the humanitarian-development nexus.

Governments and partners should proactively strengthen CRVS systems by integrating them with early warning and displacement monitoring tools and by formally recognizing disaster-induced displacement. This shift from reactive crisis management to inclusive preparedness ensures no one is left behind.

Resilience in the context of CRVS

During the Third Ministerial Conference on CRVS in Asia and the Pacific, participants identified key actions to ensure inclusive and resilient systems as a foundation for legal identity for all. The conference culminated in the adoption of the Ministerial Declaration on a Decade of Action for Inclusive and Resilient CRVS, reaffirming countries’ commitment to strengthening CRVS systems and ensuring their continuity during crises.

Resilient CRVS systems safeguard identity, dignity and access to services when disasters strike. By ensuring vital events are recorded even in crises, countries can protect the most vulnerable and accelerate recovery efforts.

As climate-related disasters become more frequent and severe, it is more important than ever for governments and partners to invest in CRVS systems that can withstand any emergency. Because in times of crisis, resilience begins with being counted—and being counted begins with strong, inclusive CRVS systems.

For more information on disaster-related statistics and CRVS:

• Disaster-related Statistics and Civil Registration and Vital Statistics Systems, working paper on the nexus between disaster-related statistics and civil registration and vital statistics (CRVS)
• Building resilient civil registration and vital statistics systems

Lepakorn Phisainontarith, Programme is Management Assistant, ESCAP; Hamish Patten is Consultant, ESCAP

IPS UN Bureau

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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
CAMPINAS, Brazil, Aug 26 2025 – The Global South had little voice, let alone influence, in shaping the economically ‘neoliberal’ and politically ‘neoconservative’ globalisation leading to contemporary geopolitical economic conflicts. Pacifist non-aligned cooperation for sustainable development offers the best way forward.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Peace, Freedom, Neutrality
Realising non-alignment for our times should begin with current realities rather than abstract, ahistorical principles. 2025 is also the 70th anniversary of the beginnings of non-alignment, first mooted at the Asia-Africa summit in Bandung, Indonesia.

The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established in 1967 by anti-communist governments of the region. In 1973, its leaders agreed the area should be a Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality (ZOPFAN).

The world was deemed unipolar American discourse after the first Cold War. Meanwhile, most of the Global South remained non-aligned in what the Rest see as a multipolar world.

Despite critical dissent, the West seems to have lost interest in preserving peace. Unsurprisingly, the US and its NATO allies increasingly ignore the United Nations. Foreign military interventions since the first Cold War already exceed the many of that longer era.

During World War II, military production generated growth and employment in Germany, Japan and the US. But surely, development today is best achieved peacefully and cooperatively.

Pacifist non-alignment should cut unnecessary military spending. Although big powers compete for hegemony by weaponising international relations, they will still try to ‘buy’ support from the non-aligned.

Realistically, most small developing nations cannot lead international peace-making. But they can and should be a stronger moral force urging justice, peace, freedom, neutrality, development, and international cooperation.

Return of the Global South
The Group of 77 (G77) developing countries’ caucus and the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) were both established in 1964. Headquartered in Geneva, UNCTAD is part of the UN Secretariat but has been steadily marginalised.

The G77 has a formal presence throughout the UN multilateral system. It now has over 130 members, including China, but its impact outside New York in recent decades has been limited.

Sustainability challenges and planetary heating are generally worse in the tropics, where most people in developing countries are. Meanwhile, hunger worldwide has worsened since 2014, while World Bank-reported income poverty has risen since the COVID-19 pandemic.

An inclusive and equitable multilateralism can better address the world’s challenges, especially peace and sustainable development – so crucial for progress in our dark times.

Global South needs better voice
While working for Goldman Sachs, Lord Jim O’Neill referred to Brazil, Russia, India, and China as the BRIC countries.

With South Africa joining, ostensibly representing Africa, they soon began meeting regularly. As members of the G20 group of the world’s twenty largest economies, the BRICS initially lobbied on financial issues.

They have since incorporated other large economies of the South, but also incurred the wrath of President Trump. While some nations have sought to join the enlarged BRICS plus (BRICS+), a few have hesitated after being invited.

BRICS has no record of strong and consistent advocacy of the interests of smaller developing economies. Most financially weak small nations doubt that BRICS+ will serve them well.

Higher US interest rates have triggered massive capital inflows, especially from the poorest countries, depriving them of finance at a time of greater need.

Meanwhile, aid levels have fallen tremendously, especially with Trump 2.0. Official development assistance (ODA) to the Global South is now below 0.3% of GDP, less than half the 0.7% commitment made in 1969.

Lowering tax rates has further squeezed the West’s already limited budgetary resources as stagnation deepens. Trump’s tariffs, US expenditure cuts, and greater Western military spending deepen worldwide economic contraction.

Non-alignment for our times
The Global South must urgently promote a new non-alignment for multilateral peace, development, and international cooperation to address Third World challenges better.

Even IMF number two, Gita Gopinath, agrees that developing countries should opt for non-alignment to benefit from not taking sides in the new Cold War.

With the exception of Brazil’s Lula, leadership by statesmen with international standing beyond their national stature largely passed with Nelson Mandela.

A few dynamic new leaders have emerged, but have not taken on the responsibilities of Global South leadership. Such leadership is in short supply despite the urgent need.

It is much easier to revive, reform, and reinvigorate NAM than to start from scratch. Although it has been less influential in recent decades, it can be revitalised.

Also, foreign policies are typically less subject to other typical national domestic policy considerations. Hence, they do not vary as much with the governments of the day.

Also, most developing country governments must appear to protect national interests to secure political support and legitimacy for survival.

Hence, conservative, even reactionary governments may take otherwise surprising anti-hegemonic positions in multilateral fora, especially with growing widespread resentment of bullying for extortion.

IPS UN Bureau

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