By Katsuhiro Asagiri
TOKYO, Japan, Dec 22 2025 – Leaders of Japan and the five Central Asian states met in Tokyo on Dec. 20 and adopted the “Tokyo Declaration,” launching a new leaders-level format under the “Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). The declaration places at the core of cooperation two priorities: strengthening supply-chain resilience for critical minerals, and supporting the Trans-Caspian Corridor (the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route), which links Central Asia with Europe without transiting Russia.

Chaired by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, the meeting reflected Central Asia’s strategic importance as a Eurasian crossroads and as a region with mineral resources essential to decarbonization and advanced industries. As major powers step up engagement across the region, Central Asia’s weight as a stage for diplomacy and trade has been growing.

“Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

The Japanese government emphasized a practical, implementation-oriented approach—translating cooperation into deliverable projects. For Central Asian countries, the Trans-Caspian Corridor is also a means to expand transport options and reduce dependence on any single transit route. It can help attract investment for modernizing ports, railways and customs systems, while increasing opportunities to capture transit and logistics revenues.

For Japan, corridor development and cooperation on minerals serve as a form of risk diversification in economic security. By diversifying both procurement sources and transport routes for critical minerals—such as rare earths and lithium—needed for batteries, renewable energy technologies and electronic devices, Japan aims to prepare for heightened geopolitical risk. There is also a clear intent to expand opportunities for Japanese companies to participate in infrastructure, logistics and digital sectors.

Japan–Kazakhstan Joint Statement as the Anchor

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev(left) and Prime Minister Sane Takaichi (right) signing a joint statement. Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

Ahead of the leaders’ summit, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev paid an official visit to Japan, with a series of diplomatic engagements scheduled around the trip.

On Dec. 18, Prime Minister Takaichi and President Tokayev held a summit meeting and issued a joint statement on a “future-oriented expanded strategic partnership.” The statement reaffirmed a rules-based international order grounded in the principles of the U.N. Charter, and the two leaders agreed to advance cooperation through concrete initiatives in areas including critical minerals, the energy transition, and transport and logistics connectivity.

On the Trans-Caspian Corridor, the joint statement specified practical measures aimed at easing customs and port bottlenecks—such as training for customs officials in cooperation with the World Customs Organization (WCO) and support for improving cargo inspection scanners (cargo inspection equipment) at Aktau Port in western Kazakhstan. The two leaders also welcomed plans to launch regular direct flights in 2026 and agreed to begin intergovernmental negotiations toward the conclusion of a bilateral air services agreement. In addition, the joint statement expressed an intent to exchange information and explore potential avenues of cooperation with the “UN Regional Centre for the SDGs for Central Asia and Afghanistan”, which was established in Almaty.

Middle Corridor. Photo credit: TITR

Tokayev Warns of Nuclear Risks in Tokyo

On the following day, Dec. 19, President Tokayev delivered a lecture at the United Nations University in Tokyo, warning that “nuclear risks are rising again.”

Kassym-Jomart Tokayev delivered a lecture at the United Nations University

He referred not only to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki but also to Kazakhstan’s Semipalatinsk nuclear test site, where the former Soviet Union conducted more than 450 nuclear tests, arguing that both Japan and Kazakhstan are countries that know the devastating consequences wrought by nuclear weapons. He said practical steps must be steadily accumulated to advance nuclear disarmament and reduce nuclear risks.

Semipalatinsk Former Nuclear Weapon Test site/ Credit: Katsuhiro Asagiri

Tokayev also cited Kazakhstan’s decision to relinquish the nuclear weapons left on its territory after the Soviet collapse, suggesting that security should not depend solely on nuclear deterrence.

Kazakhstan has, around Aug. 29—the date the Semipalatinsk test site was closed and also the U.N.-designated International Day against Nuclear Tests—hosted meetings in Astana that foreground the inhumane impacts of nuclear weapons and call for strengthening norms underpinning the Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. These gatherings have included participation by civil society groups such as the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) and Soka Gakkai International (SGI).

A Group photo of participants of the regional conference on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons and nuclear-free-zone in Central Asia held on August 29, 2023. Credit: Jibek Joly TV Channel

Three Priority Areas: Resilience, Connectivity, Human Development

At the Dec. 20 summit, President Tokayev attended alongside the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Prime Minister Takaichi noted that Central Asia’s growing population and rapid economic expansion have raised the region’s international profile, and stressed the importance of regional cooperation and engagement with external partners.

Japan announced the “CA+JAD Tokyo Initiative,” setting out three priority areas for cooperation: (1) green and resilience (including the energy transition, disaster risk reduction and supply-chain resilience for critical minerals); (2) connectivity (including the Trans-Caspian Corridor and A.I. cooperation); and (3) human development (including scholarship programs and cooperation in health and medical fields).

The Tokyo Declaration also explicitly set out the launch of the “Japan–Central Asia Partnership for AI Cooperation,” with a view to applying A.I. to resource development and related areas. More than 150 documents were signed and announced by public and private stakeholders on the margins of the meeting, and a goal was presented to develop business projects totaling 3 trillion yen over the next five years.

Multipolar Engagement and Kazakhstan’s “Multi-Vector” Diplomacy

The Tokyo gathering also underscored the reality of accelerating summit diplomacy around Central Asia. China convened a leaders’ meeting with the five Central Asian states in Kazakhstan earlier this year, and the United States invited the same five leaders to Washington in November.

Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

Kazakhstan, in particular, has long pursued a “multi-vector” foreign policy—cultivating relations in parallel with competing major powers to preserve sovereignty and strategic options. The Tokyo agreements—combining diversification of transport corridors, expanded cooperation on minerals and technology, and the use of development cooperation through international institutions—align with this balancing strategy.

For Japan, the new leaders-level format provides a means to deepen engagement with Central Asia by connecting resources, logistics and technology. For President Tokayev, the visit also served as a platform to argue that, as nuclear risks re-emerge at the forefront, Eurasia’s economic future cannot be separated from the security challenges that shape it.

INPS Japan

Related articles:

Kazakhstan Takes Lead in Global Push for Nuclear Disarmament Amid Heightened Tensions

Kazakhstan Committed to a Nuclear-Weapons-Free World

Kazakhstan’s leadership in multilateralism: A Beacon for global peace and stability

IPS UN Bureau

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Fulgence Ndayizeye, a Burundian bicycle taxi driver who used to cross the Congolese-Burundian border every day to support his family, wanted to return home. He and more than 500 other Burundians, including women, men, and children, stranded in Uvira on the border between the DRC and Rwanda, were finally allowed to return to their country […]

By CIVICUS
Dec 19 2025 –  
CIVICUS discusses climate displacement and Tuvalu’s future with Kiali Molu, a former civil servant at Tuvalu’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and currently a PhD candidate at the University of the South Pacific in Fiji and the University of Bergen in Norway. His research focuses on state sovereignty and climate change in the Pacific.

Kiali Molu

In Tuvalu, one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable nations, rising seas and intensifying storms have made life increasingly precarious. Over 80 per cent of people have applied for Australia’s new climate visa under a treaty signed in November 2023. Under the treaty, 280 Tuvaluans can resettle in Australia each year through a ballot system. While recognising Australia’s willingness to host Tuvaluans, civil society continues to pressure major emitters, including Australia, to cut greenhouse gas emissions and fund climate adaptation measures in vulnerable countries to prevent further displacement.

Why have so many Tuvaluans applied for Australia’s climate mobility visa?

This visa is part of the Falepili Union Treaty agreed by Australia and Tuvalu. The treaty combines a special mobility pathway, guarantees around Tuvalu’s statehood and sovereignty and a broader security arrangement. Under the mobility component, Tuvaluans can apply for residency in Australia through a ballot system, without being forced to permanently relocate.

Many applications are driven by practical reasons, such as employment opportunities to be able to support families back home. Others value the ability to travel more freely, particularly given Australia’s historically long and uncertain visa processes. Access to education opportunities and social protections also matter. What’s important is that selection under this pathway does not require people to leave Tuvalu. It creates choice and security in a context where the future feels increasingly uncertain.

How is climate change reshaping daily life in Tuvalu?

Rising sea levels and frequent king tides regularly flood homes, public buildings and roads, interrupting community gatherings, education and work. Coastal erosion continues to reduce habitable land, while saltwater intrusion contaminates groundwater and destroys pulaka pits that are central to food security, as they’re used to grow staple root crops.

These impacts extend beyond infrastructure: higher reliance on imported food means families face rising costs, and stagnant water means a rise in waterborne diseases. Constant flooding is increasing anxiety about displacement and cultural continuity, and farming and fishing livelihoods are becoming harder to sustain. Climate change affects our food, health, housing and identity every single day.

What does potential resettlement mean for Tuvaluan culture and identity?

Our identity is inseparable from our community, our land and the ocean surrounding it. Tuvaluan culture is rooted in fenua – shared practices around agriculture and fishing, church life and the falekaupule, a community meeting house. Large-scale resettlement risks disrupting these foundations. The transmission of everyday cultural practices, language and oral history may weaken if younger Tuvaluans grow up away from the islands.

However, mobility doesn’t automatically mean cultural loss. Tuvaluan communities abroad are finding ways to preserve collective life, language and traditions through associations, churches and digital platforms. Initiatives such as the Tuvalu Digital Nation aim to safeguard cultural heritage virtually. Still, there is no substitute for ancestral land, and this raises profound questions about what it means to be Tuvaluan if our homeland becomes uninhabitable.

What climate adaptation measures does Tuvalu urgently need?

Adaptation for Tuvalu is not only about renewable energy and seawalls. While these remain essential, there’s also a critical legal and political dimension. The international system still defines statehood on the basis of physical territory, offering little protection to nations facing permanent land loss due to climate change.

We believe Tuvalu should push for a new global legal framework that rethinks sovereignty in the context of climate displacement. This would protect Tuvalu’s international legal personality, maritime boundaries and political rights even if parts of its territory become uninhabitable. This diplomatic strategy is needed as much as physical adaptation measures because it addresses national survival, not just infrastructure resilience.

What responsibilities do major polluters have towards climate-vulnerable states?

Major polluters have legal and moral obligations towards climate-vulnerable countries. International law increasingly recognises duties to reduce emissions, prevent environmental harm and cooperate in protecting those most at risk. Recent legal developments, including advisory opinions from international courts, reinforce that these responsibilities are enforceable, not optional.

These obligations go beyond emissions cuts. They include providing climate finance through mechanisms such as the Green Climate Fund and the Loss and Damage Fund, supporting adaptation efforts and sharing technology. For countries like Tuvalu, this support is fundamental to preserving lives, culture and sovereignty. Continued inaction by major emitters should not be seen solely as political failure, but also as a breach of international law.

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Farmers can now know and benefit from their contribution to climate change thanks to a formula that can be used to calculate the amount of carbon stored in fruit trees. In a project dubbed Fruit Trees for Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation in East Africa, the Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT), in […]

By Gilles-Éric Séralini, Jérôme Douzelet and Gérald Jungers
PARIS, Dec 19 2025 – Today, society is rightly concerned about the rising prevalence of autism among children worldwide; affecting up to 1% of children, it has a profound impact on families. Neuroinflammation and environmental origins are increasingly implicated. But what causes them?

Let us take a broader view. Depression among adolescents is widespread, without it being possible to clearly separate social from neurological causes. Even in China, scientists have demonstrated a link between pollution, asthma, and depression among young people.

Genetic factors, while not excluded, cannot explain everything, as they do not change rapidly enough to account for such a swift increase across the population. Likewise, when we include neurodegenerative diseases among older people, and even among younger adults, the number of people affected becomes staggering. Finally, environmentally linked cancers affect at least one in three people worldwide.

All these diseases and conditions are chronic and slow developing. Medicine primarily alleviates their symptoms, while their causes lead to extremely serious consequences for society. If we then look at the biosphere as a whole, species extinction and abnormalities, alongside climate disruption, we gain certainty about the role of anthropogenic effects in these problems. This is neither the result of individual ill will nor bad luck, but rather the rotten fruit of a system.

An increasing number of specialists believe that a paradigm shift is necessary to break free from this situation. Recently, forty-three of us from five continents co-signed an article in Environmental Sciences Europe, a high-impact scientific journal, detailing the malpractice surrounding the authorization of toxic substances, particularly pesticides and plasticizers.

The historical archives of Monsanto-Bayer have shown how doubt has been deliberately maintained through dishonest practices in order to keep society in ignorance, falsely believing that authorized products are properly assessed. These revelations, made possible through the U.S. justice system, led to convictions for fraud benefiting more than 100,000 cancer patients.

The issue is closely related when it comes to disabilities, yet these remain neglected. According to a recent French parliamentary report, 50,000 pupils are currently without appropriate support solutions, compared with 36,000 in 2024. Among them are many autistic children suffering from gastrointestinal microbiota disorders, one of the leading reasons for medical consultations. This highlights the devastation caused by ultra-processed food, which has harmful effects on food intolerances. We now understand how the nervous system surrounding the intestine, the “second brain,” connected to the primary one, malfunctions.

Let us already do, humbly, what we can where we are, much like Pierre Rabhi’s hummingbird parable, which seeks to extinguish a forest fire with the water carried in its beak: “At least I will have tried.” This is what the association LEX Les Enfants Extraordinaires does in Barjac, in the Gard region, France. It welcomes young people with disabilities who have no support solutions, offering them a social life alongside the village’s older residents. Organic gardening and cooking workshops are welcoming spaces, at least without adding pesticides and pollutants; work is done through short supply chains. Equine-assisted activities, animal-assisted therapy, and wheelchair repairs also allow participants to once again become givers of joy and creators of smiles.

Taken individually, these diseases are sometimes attributed to bad luck or to various social causes. But one inevitably thinks of epigenetic or transgenerational, therefore environmental, inheritance. We shudder at the effects of persistent, fossil-based pollutants, starting from the fetus and pregnancy, since we have shown that they cross the placenta, as do some of the world’s most widely used pesticides, such as Roundup, implicated in Monsanto-Bayer’s frauds. These substances accumulate in our environment, limited by the atmosphere; all forms of life are sensitive to and subjected to them.

We detect how pollutants embed themselves in all living tissues and are deliberately disseminated. They are laden with heavy metals, derived from carcinogenic and neurotoxic petroleum residues used in their manufacture. We have demonstrated that all endocrine disruptors are also neurotoxic through other cellular mechanisms, like sand gradually clogging and disrupting the brain and nervous system.

Solutions do exist. We can feed the world through agroecological agriculture, as specifically demonstrated by international reports from Olivier De Schutter. This requires raising fewer pigs, chickens, and cattle in intensive systems, as these practices saturate the ultra-processed food of wealthy countries with pollutants. Such intensive systems are unnecessary. Today, we maintain more suffering livestock than children worldwide.

Agroecological agriculture will regenerate ecosystems, fortunately highly resilient, through credible alternatives already implemented across the planet. Sadly, these are currently stifled by legislative gridlock generated by lobbying efforts designed to preserve the outdated, intensive post-war model. Outdated, because “growth” is a flawed concept, built on neglect and the deliberate omission of externalities. But we will get there.

Gilles-Éric Séralini was Professor of Toxicology and Molecular Biology at the University of Caen Normandy. Along with Gérald Jungers, an associate researcher, he is a member of the “Risks, Quality and Sustainable Environment” cluster of the MRSH.

Jérôme Douzelet is the founder and coordinator of the association LEX, Les Enfants Extraordinaires, in Barjac, of which G.E.S. is President

IPS UN Bureau

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By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 19 2025 – A long-standing proposal going back to 1996—to establish a single non-renewable seven-year term for the Secretary-General of the United Nations—has been resurrected by former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

The original proposal was part of a study sponsored by the Dag Hammarskjold and Ford Foundations. According to the proposal, the seven-year term “ would give the SG the opportunity to undertake far-reaching plans free from undesirable pressures.”

Ban has said a single, nonrenewable seven-year term will strengthen the independence of the office. The current practice of two five-year terms, he said, leaves Secretaries-General “overly dependent on this Council’s Permanent Members for an extension.”

A former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali of Egypt was deprived of a second five-year term when the US was the only permanent member state to veto his second term despite the fact that he received 14 of the 15 votes in the Security Council.

“As the highest policy-making organ of the United Nations, and as the ultimate appointing body, the General Assembly should adopt a comprehensive resolution establishing a single seven-year term and all key features of an improved process of appointing the Secretary-General,” the study said.

The same seven-year term, according to the 1996 study authored by Sir Brian Urquhart and Erskine Childers, should also apply to heads of UN agencies and UN programmes.

The study was titled “A World in Need of Leadership: Tomorrow’s United Nations. A Fresh Appraisal.” Sir Brian was a former UN Under-Secretary-General (USG) for Special Political Affairs and Childers was a former Senior Advisor to the UN Director-General for Development and International Economic Affairs.

Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury, former Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the United Nations and Permanent Representative of Bangladesh to the UN, told IPS that, in keeping with the best interest of the operational credibility of the world’s most universal multilateral body with a global mandate, and as a conscientious UN insider, “I believe very strongly and quite comfortably that there is substantive merit in the long-standing, but surprisingly undervalued, proposal to establish a single non-renewable seven-year term of office for the Secretary-General of the United Nations.”

In an op-ed published on 20 June 2011 in IPS on Ban’s second term, and commenting in general on the re-election process, he wrote, “This unclear, closed-door, behind-the-scenes and exclusionary process results in the recommendation of a person who is dreaming of re-election for a second term from the very first day in office.”

Ambassador Chowdhury went on to underscore that “This very human temptation for a second term is so overwhelming, so intoxicating that the incoming secretary-general’s main effort in office is wholly conditioned by this desire.” Keeping fully in perspective the “veto element,” the wishes and inclinations of the P5 get the priority attention of the “Chief Administrative Officer” of the UN.

“I fully agree,” he said, “with the conventional understanding in the corridors of the UN that the debt that an SG accrues from the P5 during his first term for his re-election gets paid off during the second term. This arrangement serves both the secretary-general and the P5 well.”

More so, he noted, because they know full well that the broader membership of the UN is never able to agree to long overdue reforms of the unacceptable electoral process for the head of the secretariat. This encourages the possibility of a lacklustre leader to emerge, particularly if a P5 representative engages in the selection process at the instructions from the capital which is not supportive of the centrality of the UN’s global role.

Asked if the current Secretary-General António Guterres agrees with the proposal, UN deputy spokesperson Farhan Haq told reporters last week:

“Well, the current Secretary-General respects his role as Secretary-General to stay outside of the process of the Member States’ discussions. Obviously, any change in the terms of a Secretary-General would need to be agreed to by the Member States, and he trusts that they will work this out amongst themselves and find a solution.”

Haq said Guterres thinks that there are a number of reform steps that can be taken. Obviously, since he is the sitting Secretary-General, he’s not going to voice his views on this right now, while the Member States are considering it. And of course, you’ve seen his own support for the idea to have the first female Secretary-General. “But again, these are decisions that are not in our hands,” said Haq.

Dr. Palitha Kohona, a former Chief of the UN Treaty Section, told IPS some see merit in extending the term of office of the SG to seven years. But would such an extension add value? An effective SG could always seek re-election under the current set up and the GA has given a second term to most SGs.

The Member States could also refrain from re-electing an ineffective SG. If an ineffective SG were to be given a seven year term, the most important international organization in the world will have to suffer the burden of such an individual for an unfairly long and painful period, he pointed out.

An effective SG, subject to the political and financial constraints that he/she operates under, could achieve much in five years. What is required is the ability to operate in an volatile global environment, superior management skills and the knack for picking excellent staff, especially as USGs and ASGs. The current tendency to accept whomever big powers foist on the SG and to appoint lacklusture performers tends to reflect poorly on the leader of this august body and the Member States pay a heavy price, said Dr Kohona, a former Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the UN.

“What is really needed is the institutionalisation of a system that enables the UN to pick potentially efficient performers without the need to depend on whimsies of the P5. Major corporations operate in this manner. Successful performers will be retained for five or ten years. Those who fail will be dropped. The member states will be the best judges, he declared.

Sanam B. Anderlini, Founder and CEO, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), told IPS: “I think a 7 year term is an excellent idea – it would enable the SG to be courageous and imaginative in vision and practice. They would not be encumbered with the tasks of currying favour with member states or campaigning for votes for a second term.”

Additionally, with a seven-year horizon, they’d be compelled and motivated to ensure change and impact, because everyone ultimately wishes to have a good legacy, she pointed out.

But the key is ensuring that the selected leaders have the necessary courage, vision and values, she said

The 7-year terms should be staggered so we don’t lose the entire UN systems leadership team in one go. The idea of extending the United Nations Secretary-General’s term in office is a proposal that has been discussed as a reform idea, but the current, standard term remains five years, renewable once, declared Anderlini.

Recounting his IPS op-ed, Ambassador Chowdhury said he had underscored that “Another important idea to ensure independence of the Secretary-General would be to make the office restricted to one term for each incumbent.”

The seven-year term is adequate for any leader worth the name to deliver positive results and show what can be achieved for any global institution. Any change in the tenure of office and in the re-election process will require the amendment of the UN Charter and therefore the concurrence of the P5, said Ambassador Chowdhury, initiator of the UNSCR 1325 as President of the UN Security Council in March 2000, Chairman of the UN General Assembly’s Main Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Matters and Founder of the Global Movement for The Cultural of Peace (GMCoP).

On 30 October 2023, in another op-ed in IPS, Ambassador Chowdhury recommended that “… in the future the Secretary-General would have only one term of seven years, as opposed to the current practice of automatically renewing the Secretary-General’s tenure for a second five-year term, without even evaluating his performance.”

The seven-year term is adequate for any leader worth the name to deliver positive results and show what can be achieved for any global institution. In any case, we need to remember that any change in the tenure of office and in the re-election process will require the amendment of the UN Charter and therefore the concurrence of the P5.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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For years, smallholder farmers across Kenya have been engaged in a legal battle with the government over a law that criminalizes the practice of saving, sharing and exchanging indigenous seeds. In 2022, a group of 15 Kenyan smallholder farmers petitioned the country’s High Court, seeking to compel the government to review sections of a law […]

By Claudia Ignacio Álvarez
MICHOACÁN, Mexico , Dec 18 2025 – My niece Roxana Valentín Cárdenas was 21 years old when she was killed. She was a Purépecha Indigenous woman from San Andrés Tziróndaro, a community on the shores of Lake Pátzcuaro in the Mexican state of Michoacán.

Roxana was killed during a peaceful march organised by another Indigenous community commemorating the recovery of their lands. Forty-six years earlier, three people had been murdered during that same land struggle. This time, the commemoration was once again met with gunfire.

Roxana was not armed and was not participating in the march. She encountered the demonstration and was struck by gunfire. Her death was deeply personal, but it took place within a broader context of long-standing violence linked to land and territory.

That violence has intensified in Michoacán recently, where the assassination of a mayor in November this year underscored how deeply insecurity has penetrated public life and how little protection exists for civilians, community leaders and local authorities alike.

Across Mexico, Indigenous people are being killed for defending land, water and forests. What governments and corporations often describe as “development” is experienced by our communities as dispossession enforced by violence – through land grabbing, water theft and the silencing of those who resist.

A way of life under threat
I come from San Andrés Tziróndaro, a farming, fishing and musical community. For generations, we have cared for the lake and the surrounding forests as collective responsibilities essential to life. That way of life is now under threat.

In Michoacán, extractive pressure takes different forms. In some Indigenous territories, it is mining. In our region, it is agro-industrial production, particularly avocados and berries grown for export. Communal land intended for subsistence is leased for commercial agriculture. Water is extracted from Lake Pátzcuaro through irregularly installed pipes to irrigate agricultural fields, depriving local farmers of access.

Agrochemicals contaminate soil and water, forests are deliberately burned to enable land-use change, and ecosystems are transformed into monocultures that consume vast amounts of water. This is not development. It is extraction.

Violence as a method of enforcement
When Indigenous communities resist these processes, violence follows.

Two cases illustrate this reality and remain unresolved.

José Gabriel Pelayo, a human rights defender and member of our organisation, has been forcibly disappeared for more than a year. Despite an urgent action issued by the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances, progress has been blocked. Authorities have delayed access to the investigation file, and meaningful search efforts have yet to begin. His family continues to wait for answers.

Eustacio Alcalá Díaz, a defender from the Nahua community of San Juan Huitzontla, was murdered after opposing mining operations imposed on his territory without consultation. After his killing, the community was paralysed by fear, and it was no longer possible to continue human rights work safely.

Together, these cases show how violence and impunity are used to suppress community resistance.

Militarisation is not protection
It is against this backdrop of escalating violence and impunity that the Mexican state has once again turned to militarisation. Thousands of soldiers are being deployed to Michoacán, and authorities point to arrests and security operations as indicators of stability.

In practice, militarisation often coincides with areas of high extractive interest. Security forces are deployed in regions targeted for mining, agro-industrial expansion or large infrastructure projects, creating conditions that allow these activities to proceed while community resistance is contained.

Indigenous people experience this not as protection, but as surveillance, intimidation and criminalisation. While companies may claim neutrality, they benefit from these security arrangements and rarely challenge the violence or displacement that accompanies them, raising serious questions about corporate complicity.

A global governance failure
Indigenous territories are opened to extractive industries operating across borders, while accountability remains fragmented. Corporations divide their operations across jurisdictions, making responsibility for environmental harm and human rights abuses difficult to establish.

Voluntary corporate commitments have not prevented violence or environmental degradation. National regulations remain uneven and weakly enforced, particularly in regions affected by corruption and organised crime. This is not only a national failure. It is a failure of global governance.

International responsibility, now
In this context, I have recently spent ten days in the United Kingdom with the support of Peace Brigades International (PBI), meeting with parliamentarians, officials from the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, and civil society organisations.

These discussions are part of a broader international effort to ensure that governments whose companies, financial systems or diplomatic relationships are linked to extractive activities take responsibility for preventing harm and protecting those at risk.

While the UK is only one actor, its policies on corporate accountability and support for human rights defenders have consequences far beyond its borders.

Why binding international rules are necessary
For years, Indigenous peoples and civil society organisations have called for a binding United Nations treaty on business and human rights. The urgency of this demand is reflected in the lives lost defending land and water and in the defenders who remain disappeared.

A binding treaty could require mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence across global supply chains, guarantee access to justice beyond national borders, and recognise the protection of human rights defenders as a legal obligation. It could make Free, Prior and Informed Consent enforceable rather than optional.

Such a treaty would not prevent development. It would ensure that development does not depend on violence, dispossession and impunity.

Defending life for everyone
Indigenous peoples are not obstacles to progress. We are defending ecosystems that sustain life far beyond our territories. Indigenous women are often at the forefront of this defence, even as we face extraordinary risks.

When defenders disappear, when others are murdered, and when young women like my niece lose their lives, it is not only our communities that suffer. The world loses those protecting land, water and biodiversity during a deep ecological crisis.

Defending life and land should not come at the cost of human lives.

Claudia Ignacio Álvarez is an Indigenous Purépecha feminist, lesbian, and environmental human rights defender from San Andrés Tziróndaro, Michoacán. Through the Red Solidaria de Derechos Humanos, she supports Indigenous and rural communities defending their territories from extractive industries and organised crime. Her work has been supported by Peace Brigades International (PBI) since 2023.

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By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 18 2025 – In recent weeks, the Russo-Ukrainian War has taken a considerable turn for the worse, with armed hostilities escalating in both frequency and intensity, causing extensive damage to civilian infrastructure and a significant loss of life across Ukraine. Attacks on energy infrastructures and the resulting power outages are forcing the most vulnerable civilians to deal with a “cold, frightening ordeal” in the winter season, warned the United Nations (UN) human rights chief.

“Nearly four years into Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the plight of civilians has become even more unbearable,” said UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk. “As peace negotiations continue, our monitoring and reporting show that the war is intensifying, causing more death, damage, and destruction…No part of the country is safe.”

According to figures from the United Nations (UN) Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), between January and November 2025, approximately 2,311 Ukrainians were killed as a direct result of war—a 26 percent increase compared to the same period in 2024 and a 70 percent increase from 2023. Turk noted that between December 2024 and November 2025, there was a significant increase in the average daily number of long-range drones used by the Russian Federation, particularly in densely-populated frontline and urban areas.

November was especially volatile, with at least 226 civilians killed and 952 injured—51 percent of which being caused by long-range missile strikes and loitering munitions from Russian armed forces. The vast majority of civilian casualties occurred in areas that were controlled by Ukraine, while roughly 60 percent were near the frontlines of the conflict. On November 18, a large-scale combined missile and drone attack killed at least 38 people in Ternopil, marking the deadliest strike in western Ukraine since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.

Short-range drones, aerial bombardments, and other munitions used in frontline regions have caused extensive damage to residential districts, rendering entire neighborhoods uninhabitable and triggering significant new displacement. Hospitals and clinics in frontline regions have sustained significant damage, forcing some facilities to shut down entirely and severely straining the operations of those that remain. Persisting insecurity prevents ambulances from reaching injured persons, while aid workers risk their lives to assist.

Additionally, attacks on water and energy infrastructure continue across Ukraine, disrupting access to water, heating, and electricity for millions—often for extended periods of time. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) noted that new attacks in Ukraine over the weekend alone have left more than 1 million people without access to water, heating, and electricity, particularly across the country’s southern region.

The Odessa, Kherson, and Chernihiv regions have reported district-wide disruptions to electricity, water, and heating services, severely straining lifesaving operations. Meanwhile, the majority of food shops and pharmacies in frontline areas—particularly in the Donetsk, Kharkiv, and Sumy regions—have shut down. Some communities in these areas have also reported having no access to electricity for more than two years.

Residents in areas of Donetsk have also reported receiving poor-quality running water only once every few days, raising alarm among humanitarian groups given the close proximity of numerous abandoned mines and chemical plants, as well as the rapidly approaching winter season which is projected to exacerbate already dire living conditions.

According to World Vision (WV), Ukrainian children and families are expected to face the harshest winter since the wake of hostilities in 2022. Temperatures this season are projected to drop below –10°C, and repeated strikes on critical energy infrastructure have left children facing an average of 16-17 hours of power cuts each day. These prolonged outages deprive families of heat, electricity, water, and essential services at the coldest time of the year—exactly when they are needed most.

“In some areas, families go up to 36 hours without heating, electricity or water. This prolonged lack of basic services puts children’s health at serious risk, disrupts their education, and threatens their overall well-being,” said Arman Grigoryan, World Vision’s Ukraine Crisis Response Director. “Humanitarian support, including winter supplies, safe spaces, and psychosocial assistance, is urgently needed to protect them.”

World Vision noted that the harshest living conditions have been recorded in northern and eastern Ukraine, such as Chernihiv, Dnipro, Donetsk, Kharkiv, and Sumy. Additionally, education for children has been severely impacted, with roughly 40 percent of children studying through remote or blended learning due to power cuts making it increasingly difficult for schools and kindergartens to operate safely.

Living conditions are also especially dire for older persons and people with disabilities, many of whom are unable to leave their homes and lack access to appropriate transit services and suitable housing. Roughly 60 percent of civilian deaths in frontline areas have been individuals over the age of 60.

The UN and its partners have been working on the frontlines to assist in winterization efforts by providing emergency shelter and protection services. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has also been distributing cash assistance to vulnerable communities for winter-specific needs such as fuel and insulation.

UNHCR estimates that approximately 12.7 million people in Ukraine are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection in 2025. However, due to repeated funding cuts, the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Ukraine has been forced to prioritize support for only 4.8 million people— a notable decrease from the originally targeted 8 million. As conditions continue to deteriorate, the UN is urging for increased donor contributions and broader international support to meet growing humanitarian needs.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Cecilia Russell
BELÉM, Brazil, Dec 17 2025 – On the Pacific Islands, where the ocean horizon is both a lifeline and a warning, communities have long interpreted environmental change through traditional knowledge, lived experiences, stories, and practice. Their observations echo those across the Pacific region, where traditional knowledge remains central to understanding shifting environments and responsible stewardship.

This grounding shaped the early work of Coral Pasisi, Director of Climate Change and Sustainability at the Pacific Community (SPC)—the region’s scientific and technical organization—and it is these experiences, including those from her home country of Niue, that anchor her lived realities and values to her work across the Pacific.

She remembers the early years of her scientific career, going from village to village with a laminated satellite image stitched with the cadastral base of roads and buildings, a few colored pens in hand, asking communities to add what they remembered.

“In times of drought, where were your main water source and caves? What areas remain important to protect as traditional medicines gathering or food security? Where are the traditional sites of ‘tapu’ and graves? And please mark where you remember waves reaching in the big cyclones experienced as far back as you can remember,” says Pasisi, explaining that they used the information to add important information into the Geographic Information System (GIS) to help understand environmental change and inform development resource use management plans.

“So, in one database, you have traditional knowledge, lived experience, and modern science together as a tool for governments and communities to make decisions.  It also provided certainty for development and investments the villages were seeking to advance their sustainable development aspirations.”

Women gleaning for octopus as part of an SPC study aimed at building knowledge on ecology, biology and identification of the marine species. Credit: Stuart Campbell/SPC

In a region where most countries and territories are Indigenous-run, the knowledge held by those with generations of traditional wisdom is science—it’s just verified in a different way than modern science. It enhances formal scientific data, giving countries twice as much information to track change and calibrate understanding.

“SPC probably has the world’s most advanced fish monitoring systems in the Pacific region. But we can’t take that data alone because there are always going to be some gaps, so it’s important that community knowledge and experience are also factored in to informing the state of fisheries in the region,” Pasisi adds.

“Pacific People are great storytellers, especially fishing folks, as I am one! But when you document those stories, including old photos, you can stitch together a timeline of the sizes of fish that were caught at different periods, the species of fish, and what they ate, and all of a sudden, you have this incredible documented knowledge from traditional practitioners that you can combine with the modern science and information.”

“So traditional knowledge and practice is basically applied science that has been refined over the years. It is just verified in different ways,” she says.

But climate change is making it harder for Indigenous people to apply this knowledge and anticipate change and response, because much of that knowledge was “tied to predictable seasons and patterns of occurrence, but those are going a little crazy now with climate change. In the Pacific, this loss of predictability affects food systems, freshwater access and coastal safety across all 22 Pacific Island Countries and Territories.  It even affects our five metropolitan members, but they have built modern systems of early warning, remote sensing and disaster management that are calibrated to cope better with the rapidly changing environment we are now in.”

The destabilization of once-reliable environmental signals has strengthened the region’s insistence that global action must align with the scientific findings of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which show that surpassing 1.5°C dramatically increases risks to reefs, fisheries, health and entire island ecosystems and territories.

This science underpins why Pacific countries place such emphasis on strong climate agreements and multilateral cooperation and accountability. A hard-won Advisory Opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) reinforced this, affirming that keeping warming below 1.5°C is not just a political aspiration but a legal obligation rooted in international law.

A fisherman in Tuvalu. Traditional wisdom helps inform the knowledge systems in the Pacific region. Credit: SPC

“I think the ICJ Advisory Opinion is going to continue to play a very significant role in influencing the outcomes of the COP that was held in Brazil and all COPs to come.  There is nothing like the clarification of existing law and responsibility to help stakeholders stay on the right side of the law.  Frankly, the consequences of not doing so present much greater risks than litigation.  The highest price is existentiality and our region is on the front lines of that.”

“It’s highly beneficial, and it just gives, I think, a level of authority to the positions that our countries have held for a long time but which are often shot down by the ambiguity of interpreting agreements and responsibilities to deliver on those.  The capacity constraints of Pacific SIDS mean they are often up against huge delegations from larger countries that come with lots of fancy people who bring fancy language in and make all these very fancy arguments about what is legal and what isn’t,” Pasisi adds.  “The ICJ AO levels the playing field somewhat in that we don’t all need to be lawyers to understand what our responsibilities are and what the consequences of inaction could be; the highest court in the world has now done that for us.”

Mary Nipisina working her peanut garden in Tanna, Vanuatu. Credit: SPC

“There are many developed and developing countries that believe that this is an important tool in the international toolkit of global responsibility to help steer the world in the right direction.”

Pacific youth have echoed this call. The entire United Nations family supported the call for the ICJ AO process, and, at COP30, Pacific leaders, officials, partners and youth highlighted its value in upholding critical planetary tipping points like the 1.5°C limit in global warming underpinned by the best available science of the IPCC, reminding the world that decisions today will shape the survival, culture and sovereignty of future generations.

Organic farmers in Vanuatu. Climate change. In the Pacific, this loss of climate predictability affects food systems, freshwater access and coastal safety. Credit: SPC

Climate finance was a major focus at COP30 as countries negotiated how to advance the implementation of the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance. The approval of the Belém “Mutirão” decision was a significant step, establishing a two-year work programme and recognizing the need to dramatically scale up climate finance.

For Pacific Small Island Developing States, however, the question is not only whether climate finance increases but also whether countries can actually access it. Many do not have the staffing, systems or financial structures required by major international funds. Without simplified and equitable access, Pasisi notes, increased pledges will not reach the places where they are most urgently needed.

These concerns were strongly voiced during the final plenary in Belém. Vanuatu’s Minister for Climate Change, Hon. Ralph Regenvanu, acknowledged the difficulties of the negotiations.

“We recognize that we did not get everything we wanted at this COP, but we also know that this is the nature of our processes, and we continue to move forward together in solidarity towards what science requires, what justice demands, and what our people deserve,” he said.

He reminded the world that current pledges do not keep warming below 1.5°C “as science and equity demand,” and that future negotiations and actions must address this gap honestly.

Looking ahead, COP31—co-hosted under the joint leadership of Australia—will include significant participation from Blue Pacific countries. A major pre-COP event is expected to take place within the region, focusing on the ocean, energy transition, and climate finance, amongst other things. The importance of capitalizing the Pacific Resilience Facility within the solutions of addressing the complex climate finance landscape of access for the region was spotlighted.

“In relation to the ocean, we really need people to understand the holistic value of that natural blue capital and infrastructure.  Whilst our  countries are on the front line of climate change, they are also holding the front line by protecting large swaths of intact marine ecosystems that play a huge role in planetary stability—from biodiversity to climate change,” Pasisi says.

“It seems very unjust that Pacific countries and territories on the front line cannot access the resources needed to respond to climate change and sustainably protect their large ocean real estate. So, informing that narrative from a Pacific lens is critical, showcasing not just the extreme manifestations of the impacts of climate change, but also the positivity and innovation that comes from there, this is what our region is very keen to showcase.”

And she says it is not just about this generation, but the “rights of future generations—it’s our children’s earth that we are  mortgaging right now.”

Her message echoes the wider Pacific call: climate action must be grounded in science, guided by justice, and shaped by the lived realities of Pacific communities. As seas rise, storms intensify and ecosystems shift, the combination of traditional knowledge, modern science and intergenerational leadership has become one of the Pacific’s strongest contributions to global climate diplomacy,  and one the world is increasingly recognizing as essential.

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Excerpt:

We need people to understand the holistic value of that natural blue capital and infrastructure. Whilst our countries (in the Pacific) are on the front line of climate change, they are also holding the front line by protecting large swaths of intact marine ecosystems that play a huge role in planetary stability—from biodiversity to climate change. —Coral Pasisi, SPC’s Director of Climate Change and Sustainability