By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Jun 3 2025 – With two-fifths of the world economy, East Asia can inspire others by creatively responding to the US President’s tariff challenge by promoting fair, dynamic and peaceful regional cooperation.

No winners in economic war
Trump’s Liberation Day tariff announcement on April 2nd poses a common challenge that everyone needs to take seriously. Dismissing it as crazy or stupid for rejecting conventional policy wisdom is useless.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Politics and economics have been said to be war by other means. This old insight helps make sense of our times. His announcement emphasised it is about world domination, not just tariffs.

His first shot was arguably fired when Canada arrested Huawei’s founder’s daughter at the behest of the first Trump administration. Others suggest different starting points.

Obama announced the US ‘pivot to Asia’ to contain China. The Nobel Peace Laureate also undermined the multilateral World Trade Organization (WTO)’s ability to settle disputes by blocking arbitration panel appointments.

Trump’s approach is termed transactional. It presumes ‘zero-sum games’ and ignores cooperative ‘win-win’ solutions. Its implications mean we live in perilous times.

His penchant for ‘shock and awe’ is well-known. As if demanding instant gratification, Trump seems uninterested in the medium-term, let alone the long-term.

He insists on bilateral one-on-one transactions – weakening ‘the other’ by refusing collective bargaining. He rejects plurilateral and other collective arrangements but embraces cooperation to share costs. China is different but exceptionally so.

ASEAN
The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) did not include all in the region when it was formed in 1967.

Malaysia had recently had conflicts with all other founding members. Indonesia and the Philippines both opposed the new British-sponsored Malaysian confederation established in 1963, and in 1965, Singapore seceded from it.

Like the European Union, ASEAN helped resolve recent conflicts. But ASEAN soon got its act together, even before the Vietnam, Cambodian and Laotian wars ended in 1975.

In 1973, ASEAN leaders agreed that Southeast Asia should become a zone of peace, freedom, and neutrality (ZOPFAN). But its progress has been mixed.

The Philippines removed all US military bases before the end of the 20th century, but now has eleven, with four new ones in the north, facing Taiwan.

ZOPFAN is especially relevant now as several Global North powers have a military presence in the South China Sea. Worse, several Asian leaders have made generous concessions to ‘circumvent’ personal legal ‘problems’ with US authorities.

The recent ASEAN summit will be followed by a second one later in 2025. Two ASEAN precedents, established in response to earlier predicaments, remain relevant.

Bandung
The 1955 Bandung conference of Asian and African leaders of newly emerging nations, which led to the birth of the Non-Aligned Movement, remains relevant.

Europe recently celebrated the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany. Now rejecting peaceful coexistence with its erstwhile liberator, Europe insists on fighting Russia to the last Ukrainian.

Military interventions after the first Cold War now exceed the number during it! Despite its rhetoric, the Global North seems uninterested in freedom and neutrality.

Western pundits deemed the world unipolar after the 1980s. However, many now see it as multipolar, with most in the Global South preferring not to be aligned with any particular world power.

Major Western powers have increasingly marginalised the UN, undermining its capacity for peacemaking. Few in the West, especially in NATO, remain seriously committed to the UN Charter despite giving much lip service.

But realistically, ASEAN cannot really lead international peacemaking. It can only be a pro-active, pro-UN voice of reason for peace, freedom, neutrality, development and international cooperation.

East Asia
Meanwhile, the world economy is stagnating, mainly due to Western policies since 2008. ASEAN+3 (including Japan, South Korea, and China) is especially relevant now with its Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

The earlier ASEAN+3 Chiang Mai Agreement responded to the 1997-98 Asian financial crises. After years of Northeast Asian encouragement, ASEAN nations agreed to move from bilateral to multilateral swap arrangements.

Meanwhile, the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) has progressed little since its creation over three decades ago.

More recently, the governments of Japan, China, and South Korea met without ASEAN in late March to prepare for Trump’s tariffs.

Sadly, key ASEAN leaders can hardly envision regional economic cooperation beyond yet another free trade agreement.

Trump has declared he wants to remake and rule the world to make America great again. His tariffs and Mar-a-Lago proposals should be seen as long overdue wake-up calls that ‘business as usual’ is over.

Will East Asia rise to the challenge and go beyond defensive actions to offer an alternative for the region’s economies and people, if not beyond?

The UN-led multilateral system still largely serves the US, but not enough for Trump. Thus, the US still invokes multilateral language self-servingly, e.g., it claims its unilateral tariffs are ‘reciprocal’.

Hence, despite his blatant contempt for them, Trump is unlikely to withdraw from all multilateral organisations and arrangements, especially those which serve him well.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Aishwarya Bajpai
NEW DELHI, Jun 2 2025 – Every day, Delhi’s waste pickers walk three to four kilometers under the blazing sun, collecting and sorting the garbage that keeps India’s capital functioning. Their work is essential—yet largely invisible.

There are an estimated 200,000 waste pickers in Delhi, many of whom are migrants from landless, rural families in northern and eastern India. Pushed out of agriculture and informal rural economies, they arrive in the city with little more than the hope of survival, often ending up in the informal recycling sector. Labeled as “unskilled” or “semi-skilled” labor, they perform some of the city’s most crucial work—without contracts, protection, or recognition.

Sheikh Akbar Ali, a waste picker from Seemapuri who has worked with the community for over 15 years, paints a grim picture.

“We’re often denied access to public buses because people say we smell,” he says. With a daily income of ₹300 (roughly USD 3.60), even a single auto ride costing ₹150 (USD 1.80) one way is unaffordable. For women waste pickers, things are worse—no access to toilets, no place to change, and no shelter from the searing heat.

“Since COVID-19, we’ve been pushed off shaded footpaths and society corners to work under the open sky,” he adds.

The Smart Cities Mission, aimed at modernizing urban infrastructure, has only shrunk their access to public spaces, replacing common corners with beautified zones and surveillance.

Sumit Chaddha, another waste picker in Kamla Nagar, recalls how there once was a rule to stop work by 10am during peak summer hours. “Now, the heat is unbearable, but we have to keep going. One man collapsed while working—he started vomiting and died,” Sumit says. “There’s no medical card or health service for us through the MCD. We handle waste for the whole city but don’t even get gloves, let alone health insurance.”

In 2024, Delhi recorded a temperature of 52.3°C during what the World Meteorological Organization declared the hottest year in 175 years. The city also continues to rank among the world’s most polluted, with 74 of the 100 most polluted cities in the world located in India, according to the 2024 World Air Quality Report.

Though public perception often blames stubble burning or fireworks for Delhi’s toxic air, a Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) analysis confirms that vehicular pollution is the leading contributor among combustion sources.

Pollution in Delhi is Not Seasonal.

Delhi breathes hazardous air nearly all year round—99 percent of the time. PM2.5 levels, which measure the concentration of fine particles that can penetrate deep into the lungs, regularly exceed the World Health Organization’s safe limit by 30 times. Even short-term exposure to PM2.5 has been linked to heart attacks, strokes, and severe respiratory illnesses.

Yet, the poorest—those already battling extreme heat, living in cramped settlements, and working with hazardous waste—remain stranded. Public buses, their main mode of mobility, are in a state of collapse. Over 100,000 bus breakdowns were reported in just nine months of 2024 alone.

Transport-related emissions, while relatively easier to reduce, are still not a priority in most countries. Globally, the transport sector accounts for 15 percent of greenhouse gas emissions, with road transport alone responsible for 71 percent of that figure in 2019. India, now the third-largest emitter of CO₂ in the world, released 2.69 billion tons of fossil CO₂ in 2022—up by 6.5% from the previous year.

Increase in the CO₂ Emissions by the Transport Sector in India from 2000 to 2022.

In this context, public transport could be the most direct and transformative intervention—not just for the climate, but for the lives of the working poor.

As Sumana Narayanan, ecologist and environmental researcher, puts it, “We treat public transport like charity—something to be handed down to the poor. But mobility isn’t a favor; it’s a right, just like access to water, health, and clean air.”

She points to the success of Delhi’s fare-free bus scheme for women, introduced in 2019, which allowed women to save money, travel longer distances, and even gain greater say in household decisions. “Public transport doesn’t just move people—it carries dignity, opportunity, and the right to be part of public life,” she adds.

Other Countries are Showing What’s Possible

Germany’s €49 climate ticket has made low-emission travel more affordable. Luxembourg now offers free public transport to all its citizens. Bogotá’s TransMilenio system connects informal workers to opportunity while reducing emissions, and Paris is reducing car dependency with better metros and cycling infrastructure. These models demonstrate that transport, when reimagined, can be a cornerstone of both climate resilience and social justice.

But in India, such possibilities remain out of reach for communities like Delhi’s waste pickers. While programs like the National Electric Bus Programme (NEBP) aim to roll out 50,000 electric buses by 2030, implementation is slow and piecemeal. Without systemic reforms, vulnerable communities are left walking miles in dangerous heat, inhaling the city’s poison air, and risking their lives for the cleanliness everyone else takes for granted.

Nishant, Coordinator of the Public Transport Forum in Delhi, argues that existing schemes often serve short-term electoral agendas.

“What we really need is consistent investment in the quality and coverage of public buses. Public transport is a great equalizer in any society. And in terms of emissions and energy use, it’s at least ten times more efficient than private vehicles. It’s not just people-friendly—it’s climate-friendly too,” he says.

For Delhi’s waste pickers, a working bus route is not a luxury. It is a pathway to dignity, safety, and survival. In a city battling extreme heat, toxic air, and rising inequality, climate justice might just begin with a seat on a functioning, inclusive bus.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By External Source
Jun 2 2025 (IPS-Partners)

 
Plastic pollution is choking our planet.

An estimated 400 million tonnes of plastic are produced every year.

Less than 10% is ever recycled.

Over 23 million tonnes end up in lakes, rivers and oceans annually.

Plastic never truly disappears. It breaks down into microplastics.

These invisible particles are now in our food, our water and even our bodies.

Studies have found microplastics in human blood, lungs, and placentas.

The most vulnerable communities are hit hardest.

Marine life is suffocating.

Coastal economies are eroding.

Food systems are at risk.

We can’t recycle our way out of this crisis.

We need to rethink the system, by reduce, reusing and redesigning.

By 2040, plastic waste could triple if we do nothing.

But we can cut plastic pollution by 80% if we act now.

World Environment Day 2025 calls for a future free from plastic pollution.

A future where circularity replaces waste. Where innovation replaces single use.

Where policy, industry, and people work together.

We are the generation that can break free from plastic.

Let’s not waste this chance.

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By Selomi Garnaik and G. A. Rumeshi Perera
BENGALURU, India / COLOMBO Sri Lanka, Jun 2 2025 – From the blistering heat of Delhi’s streets to Colombo’s humid corners, workers in the informal economy are silently enduring the toll of labour on their bodies and livelihoods.

In 2024, South Asian cities like Delhi and Dhaka, faced relentless, record-breaking heatwaves. Meanwhile, in Nepal, the heaviest rains in decades triggered deadly floods and landslides. Sri Lanka, too, faced repeated severe storms, displacing hundreds of thousands, underscoring the vulnerability of the region to climatic chaos.

Then, why are those hit hardest by climate collapse left out of the rooms where its future is decided?

Ms. Swastika, President of the United Federation of Labour Sri Lanka, highlighted on Labour Day how temperature has affected the workers and their daily livelihoods; asking the fundamental question, ‘when do polluters take accountability?’

Workers in Dhaka holding up messages for climate and labour justice during May Day activities. Credit: Hadi Uddin / Greenpeace South Asia

One of four people living today is from South Asia, yet the region is responsible for barely 8% of the cumulative CO2 emissions, while facing some of the harshest impacts of the climate crisis.

Climate Conversations Cannot Ignore Workers:

According to the World Bank, over the past two decades, more than 750 million people, over half of South Asia’s population, have been affected by one or more climate-related disasters.

It’s quickly becoming clear just what this means for workers: India alone is projected to lose 34 million full-time jobs by 2030 due to heat stress. Bangladesh loses US$ 6 billion a year in labour productivity due to the effects of extreme heat.

In Nepal, where over 70% of the workforce is engaged in agriculture, changing rainfall patterns and flash floods have already slashed yields and forced seasonal labourers to migrate. By 2050, climate change could displace 100-200 million people, leading to a rise in climate refugees.

Yet these impacts are reduced to mere ‘economic losses’, rarely acknowledged as human suffering and almost never compensated. This disconnect between climate damage and accountability lies at the heart of global climate injustice.

Workers, particularly in the Global South- must be central to the climate conversations. For them, climate change isn’t abstract: it’s failed crops, deadly heat, toxic air, and unsafe workplaces. These daily realities threaten their health, livelihoods, and dignity.

Despite this, climate planning and response mechanisms are designed by ministries and consultants isolated from the ground realities of workers. Labour ministries, welfare boards or labour unions are rarely included in national climate adaptation frameworks or climate budgeting. Heat Action Plans often overlook worker-centric measures like paid rest breaks, hydration stations, or medical preparedness for outdoor labourers.

This is not just a gap. It is a governance failure.

When national or global climate plans ignore labour protections they deepen existing injustices. Outdoor workers, gig workers, migrant workers, and women in informal employment must be seen not as “vulnerable groups” but as central stakeholders, whose inclusion is essential for a just and durable climate response.

The Unpaid Bill: Who Owes Whom?

For over a century, profits were extracted from the earth and the pain outsourced to its most exploited workers. Now, those frontline workers are leading the call for climate accountability. Polluters Pay Pact, an international movement supported by trade unions, climate justice groups, and frontline communities that calls on the world’s largest fossil fuel and gas corporations to compensate those who are living with the fallout of their actions.

Just five oil and gas companies made over $100 billion in profits in 2024 alone, while informal workers are breathing toxic air, suffering heat extremes and losing workdays- without compensation or insurance. This isn’t aid, its owed justice.

The Polluters Pay Pact must result in binding commitments: climate-linked funding, worker led adaptation, and a global recognition of labour as central to climate action.

Most importantly, the pact is not waiting for international summits to act. Across the region, grassroots campaigns are gaining momentum- taking legal action, seeking compensation for heat-related losses, and pushing for fossil fuel taxes to fund worker protections.

This marks the beginning of a new phase in climate accountability: one that is worker-led, justice-driven, and grounded in the principle that those who suffer should not be left to shoulder the costs alone.

The way forward: From Survival to Dignity

The Polluters Pay Pact is beyond compensation. It’s about correcting a system that treats labour as disposable and emissions as externalities. To make climate justice real and tangible, governments must move beyond symbolic acknowledgments of “climate vulnerability’’ to institutional reforms that protect the people that hold up our economies.

It is inspiring to see countries like Sri Lanka take the fight to the International Court of Justice, highlighting how vulnerable nations are bearing the brunt of a crisis they did little to cause. By co-sponsoring the resolution and emphasizing intergenerational equity and human rights, Sri Lanka is underscoring that climate inaction by high-emitting states is a violation of basic rights like access to water and food. There is growing momentum from South Asian countries demanding climate justice.

Here is what ‘labour justice is climate justice’ would mean:

Classify climate risks as workplace hazards– National labour laws across South Asia must classify climate-induced hazards as occupational risks. This would entitle workers to compensation, paid rest, and workplace safety standards during extreme weather events.

Investment in localised worker centered infrastructure– Governments must prioritise tangible, community-level infrastructure like citizen-led early warning systems, much of which should be financed by new taxes on the oil and gas industry. Shade, hydration points and cooling infrastructure at high-risk sites, must become standard in heat-prone districts. The health care system needs to be strengthened to treat heat-related illness.

Embed Worker Voices in Climate Governance– Worker Unions of street vendors, construction workers, gig workers, waste pickers and migrant workers must be formally represented in local and national climate adaptation planning. Policies made without them are policies bound to fail.

We must move from damage to repair, from exploitation to protection. Climate action will only succeed by including those who face its worst impacts. Polluters must pay- investing in worker resilience across South Asia would save life and uphold climate justice.

Selomi Garnaik and G. A. Rumeshi Perera are climate and energy campaigners for Greenpeace, South Asia.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Diva Amon and Lissette Victorero
NICE, France, Jun 2 2025 – As David Attenborough reflects in his new documentary Ocean, “After living for nearly 100 years on this planet, I now understand the most important place on Earth is not on land, but at sea”. We wholeheartedly agree – and urge governments convening at the 3rd United Nations Ocean Conference (UNOC3) in France next month to remember that life below water goes deep.

Everything below 200 metres – the deep sea – works silently to keep Earth habitable. It’s our planet’s greatest untold story: a living archive of evolution, adaptation, and resilience. This hidden world is not just a scientific wonder, it’s a cornerstone of life.

The deep sea captures a quarter of the carbon dioxide we emit, regulates global temperatures, drives ocean currents, and supports biodiversity that nurtures ocean health, enabling the fisheries that nourish billions.

Despite its importance, the deep sea remains largely unexplored. A recent study revealed that humans have only seen 0.001% of the deep seafloor, an area approximately a tenth of the size of Belgium. Still, even with our limited glimpses, the discoveries are astonishing. Just months ago, scientists off Canada’s coast discovered thousands of glowing golden skate eggs clustered beside an active underwater volcano – an otherworldly nursery never seen before.

The fiery seamount, pulsing with geothermal heat, acts as a natural incubator for skate pups that, like all in the deep, are adapted to crushing pressures and a total absence of sunlight, and continue to challenge our understanding of the limits of life.

And yet, even as we begin to glimpse its mysteries, the deep sea faces destruction.

An unknown realm already under siege

Ancient seamounts, abyssal plains, hydrothermal vents, and more – home to some of nature’s most extraordinary adaptations – face destruction before we’ve even catalogued, understood, or valued their inhabitants. The deep harbours communities that exist nowhere else on Earth; living time capsules that could hold keys to understanding life’s origins or solutions to some of humanity’s greatest challenges.

No wonder many are recognised in global agreements as vulnerable ecosystems, places where special care is most needed to maintain a healthy ocean.

For over 70 years, destructive fishing practices have inflicted extensive damage on the deep, including seamounts. Bottom trawlers drag nets weighted with heavy rollers across the seabed, flattening everything in their path while hunting deep-dwelling fish of extraordinary age and resilience – some over 250 years old.

These practices destroy coral forests and sponge gardens that have grown over centuries or even millennia – ecological cathedrals that may never return. This destruction not only erases ecosystems, it unravels the foundations of complex and connected ocean systems, stripping away vital breeding and feeding grounds.

Meanwhile, a nascent deep-sea mining industry is pushing to open the ocean floor to commercial extraction. Each operation could damage thousands of square kilometres, crush delicate life, create clouds of sediment that can impair breathing, communication, or feeding of ocean species far beyond the mining site, and destroy habitats that have developed over thousands to millions of years.

The destruction of these largely out-of-sight ecosystems doesn’t only just mean the loss of extraordinary and undiscovered species and ecosystems. It means undermining the processes that make life on Earth possible, from climate regulation to food security. And, as with many environmental crises, those already most vulnerable will likely suffer the greatest burden.

A warning from the scientific community.

Since 2004, scientists have been raising the alarm about the destruction of deep-sea ecosystems and the potential knock-on effects, first from bottom trawling, and now from deep-sea mining. Their message remains consistent and urgent: we must understand the deep before we decide to condemn it to ruin.

Today, this warning has become a global call to action. Over 900 marine scientists and policy experts have endorsed a moratorium on deep-sea mining. They are joined by an unprecedented alliance of 33 countries – including France, Palau, Brazil, Germany, Canada, and Samoa – as well as parliamentarians, celebrities, youth leaders, major companies like BMW, Google, and Volvo, and leading financial institutions such as Credit Suisse, Lloyd’s, and NatWest.

This growing coalition underscores a simple truth: the deep sea is too important, fragile, and poorly understood to gamble with.

This June, the One Ocean Science Congress and the monumental UNOC3, in Nice, France, present pivotal opportunities for governments to act. The official focus of UNOC3 is Sustainable Development Goal 14: “Life Below Water”, but this must extend deeper…literally.

Governments must seize this moment to make bold, lasting commitments:

1) Protect seamounts and other vulnerable deep-sea ecosystems from destructive fishing practices such as bottom trawling.
2) Implement a moratorium on deep-sea mining until independent scientific studies understand its full ecological cost.
3) Invest in deep-sea science that is uncoupled from extractive interests.

The choice before us

The science is unequivocal: the deep sea provides essential services critical to all life on Earth. What we stand to gain through understanding this realm far outweighs what we’d earn by destroying it.

As world governments gather in Nice, we face a simple choice: protect our planet’s most mysterious and vital frontier, or exploit it blindly before we even begin to understand what we are losing.

The health of our ocean – and our own well-being – depends on us choosing wisely.

Dr. Diva Amon, a marine biologist, is a researcher and adviser at the Benioff Ocean Science Laboratory at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and the director of SpeSeas, an ocean conservation NGO based in Trinidad and Tobago. She is also a co-lead of the Biodiversity Conservation Task Force of the Deep-Ocean Stewardship Initiative, and SpeSeas is a member of the Deep Sea Conservation Coalition.

Dr. Lissette Víctorero is a deep-sea ecologist specialised in deep-sea fisheries and the macroecology of vulnerable habitats such as seamounts and hydrothermal vents. She serves as Science Advisor to the Deep Sea Conservation Coalition and co-leads the Fisheries Working Group of the Deep-Ocean Stewardship Initiative (DOSI).

IPS UN Bureau

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By CIVICUS
Jun 2 2025 –  
CIVICUS discusses the challenges facing Nepal’s Dalit community with Rup Sunar, chairperson of the Dignity Initiative, a Kathmandu-based research and advocacy organisation working to dismantle caste-based discrimination.

Rup Sunar

Dalits – a community that has historically faced systemic exclusion under the discriminatory label of ‘untouchables’– constitute around 13.4 per cent of Nepal’s population. They continue to experience systemic marginalisation despite constitutional and legal protections. The Dignity Initiative addresses these entrenched inequalities through evidence-based research, strategic advocacy and policy engagement. By collecting disaggregated data, advocating for inclusive legislative frameworks and amplifying excluded voices, it seeks to dismantle caste-based discrimination and open up civic space for Dalits and other excluded groups.

What human rights challenges do Dalits face in Nepal?

Nepal’s constitution explicitly protects Dalit rights as fundamental rights. Article 40 guarantees proportional representation, free education and land and housing rights. The 2011 Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability Act prohibits any discrimination on the basis of caste in any public or private sphere. But this impressive legal framework has remained on paper. In practice, Dalits continue to face severe economic, legal and social barriers, with state institutions consistently failing to enforce constitutional and legal protections.

Consider a tragic case in West Rukum, where a young Dalit man who had eloped with a girl from a higher caste was lynched along with five friends. Despite parliamentary investigations confirming caste prejudice as the motivation, the Surkhet High Court dismissed caste as a factor, revealing the judiciary’s entrenched biases.

The economic statistics paint a stark picture: over 87 per cent of Dalits lack sufficient land for subsistence, 42 per cent live below the poverty line and a mere two per cent work in the public sector. With no jobs reserved for Dalits in the private sector and traditional occupations disappearing in today’s market economy, many Dalits remain trapped in modern forms of bonded labour.

Why haven’t anti-discrimination laws created real change?

The gap between legislation and reality is due to weak enforcement. This happens because the state structure excludes Dalits, who hold only token positions in government and law enforcement. For context, their representation in the ruling Communist Party’s central committee is below two per cent. This renders ‘proportional representation’ merely a hollow political catchphrase.

As a result, those in power have a deeply rooted caste bias and Dalit concerns are largely invisible in national policy. When violence occurs, perpetrators often enjoy political protection while victims struggle for justice.

Meaningful change requires the establishment of proper enforcement mechanisms. State institutions must face accountability for implementation failures. The National Dalit Commission needs appropriate funding and expansion across all of Nepal’s seven provinces, while the Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability Act requires amendments to ensure meaningful consequences for perpetrators.

To ensure justice, we need specialised Dalit units – in charge of reporting and investigating caste-based violence – in all police offices, fast-track court procedures, free legal aid and witness protection for victims. These cases demand the same urgency and determination as other serious crimes.

What policy reforms are needed?

While the constitution promises free education and scholarships for Dalits from primary through higher education, these provisions are not enforced. School discrimination continues unabated, with tragic consequences, as in the case of a Dalit boy who took his life after being unable to pay a mere US$1.50 exam fee.

Both practical and cultural changes are needed to address these inequities. Beyond acknowledging discrimination, we must transform how history is taught. School curricula must incorporate Dalit histories, struggles and contributions to Nepalese society, while eliminating derogatory narratives and symbols.

Representation matters profoundly. Policies such as ‘one school, one Dalit teacher’ must be vigorously enforced. The severe underrepresentation of Dalit educators, particularly at secondary and higher levels, denies students crucial role models. The state must prioritise recruiting and retaining Dalit teachers to create an inclusive educational environment.

Have you observed any evolution in public attitudes towards Dalits?

Despite persistent deep-rooted prejudice and continued denial of caste discrimination, some encouraging shifts are emerging, particularly among young urban people. Dalit voices have gained greater visibility in media, politics and public discourse.

This gradual transformation stems from educational progress, social media connectivity and persistent activism. Dalit-led groups and networks have been instrumental in raising awareness and applying pressure on government institutions. The most effective approaches have combined grassroots mobilisation, strategic legal action and targeted media campaigns. Social media has revolutionised advocacy by providing platforms to document and expose injustices in real time.

The Dignity Initiative contributes through activism, research, policy advocacy and leadership development. A study we conducted examined how political parties distributed tickets to Dalit candidates during the 2022 elections, uncovering systematic tokenism rather than genuine commitment to equitable representation. Our work challenges this form of political exclusion while building public awareness about the declining Dalit presence in decision-making.

How are Dalit women and young people seeking change?

A new generation of leadership is emerging. Over 6,000 Dalit women now serve as representatives at the local level and on municipal councils, using these positions to advocate for Dalit rights. Many are forging paths to upward mobility despite facing intersectional discrimination based on caste and gender.

Yet significant barriers persist. Political spaces remain firmly controlled by upper castes, with exclusionary practices still the norm. This was starkly illustrated by dismally low Dalit participation in recent student union elections.

The battleground has also shifted online, where caste-based hate speech proliferates. However, tech-savvy young Dalits are fighting back, employing digital tools to lead campaigns, document violence and demand state accountability. They’re also building strategic alliances with progressive groups and individuals.

International solidarity has proven crucial, with external pressure amplifying Dalit voices nationally and on the global stage.

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SEE ALSO
Nepal: ‘The Social Network Bill is part of a broader strategy to tighten control over digital communication’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Dikshya Khadgi 28.Feb.2025
Nepal: Activists and online critics arrested to stifle dissent as journalists remain at risk CIVICUS Monitor 18.Nov.2024
India: ‘We have achieved a historic labour rights win for female Dalit workers’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Jeeva M 12.May.2022

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By Tanka Dhakal
BLOOMINGTON, USA, May 30 2025 – Almost 40 percent of glaciers that exist now are already in danger of melting even if global temperature stabilized at present-day conditions, a study says.

An international study published in the journal Science finds that glaciers are even more sensitive to global warming than previously estimated.

More than 75 percent of glacier mass will be gone if global temperature rises to the 2.7°C that the world is heading towards, according to the trajectory set by current climate policies.

But meeting the Paris Agreement goal of limiting warming to 1.5°C would preserve 54 percent of glacier mass.

“Our study makes it painfully clear that every fraction of a degree matters,” Dr. Harry Zekollari, co-author of the research and Associate professor at the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels, said.

“The choices we make today will resonate for centuries, determining how much of our glaciers can be preserved.”

According to the papers’ co-lead author, Dr. Lilian Schuster, glaciers are regarded as a good indicator of climate change because their retreat allows researchers to see how climate is changing.

“But the situation for glaciers is actually far worse than visible in the mountains today,” she added.

Most important glaciers are even more sensitive

Impact of rising temperatures is skewed mostly by the very large glaciers around Antarctica and Greenland. According to the research, glaciers most important to human communities are even more sensitive, with several of them losing nearly all glacier ice already at 2°C.

The glacier regions, including the European Alps, the Rockies of the Western U.S. and Canada, and Iceland, may lose almost 85-90 percent of their ice in comparison to 2020 levels at 2°C warming.

But Scandinavia will no longer have glacier ice at that level of temperature rise.

The Hindu Kush Himalaya region, where glaciers feed river basins supporting 2 billion people, might lose 75 percent of its ice compared to the 2020 level at a 2°C temperature rise scenario.

Ice loss at various degrees of global warming.

Staying in line with the Paris Agreement goal preserves at least some glacier ice in all regions, even Scandinavia, with 20-30 percent remaining in the four most sensitive regions and 40-45 percent in the Himalayas and Caucasus.

This report reiterates the growing urgency of the 1.5°C temperature goal and rapid decarbonization to achieve it.

A team of 21 scientists from 10 countries used eight different glacier models to calculate the potential ice loss of the more than 200,000 glaciers worldwide under a wide range of global temperature scenarios. For each scenario, they assumed that temperatures would remain constant for thousands of years.

Researchers found that in all scenarios, the glaciers lose mass rapidly over decades and then continue to melt at a slower pace for centuries, even without further warming. This means they will feel the impact of today’s heat for a long time before settling into a new balance as they retreat to higher altitudes.

But glaciers in the Tropics–the central Andes of Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia, as well as East Africa and Indonesia—appear to maintain higher levels of ice, but this is only because they have lost so much already.

Venezuela’s final glacier, Humboldt, lost glacier status in 2024; Indonesia’s ironically named “Infinity Glacier” is likely to follow within the next two years. Germany lost one of its last five remaining glaciers during a heat wave in 2022, and Slovenia likely lost its last real glacier a few decades ago.

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By Cecilia Russell
SARAJEVO & JOHANNESBURG, May 30 2025 – Jelena Pekić, MP of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (House of People) and Deputy Speaker of the Canton Sarajevo Assembly, Lana Prlić, MP of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (House of Representatives) and Marina Riđić, Assistant Representative, UNFPA Bosnia and Herzegovina, spoke to IPS ahead of the Study Tour on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The study visit program arranged for members of the AFPPD group as well as for parliamentarians from Eastern Europe, held on May 29 and 30 in Sarajevo, gives lawmakers from the region and abroad the opportunity to participate in an event where they can exchange experiences and learn from each other.

“The main objectives of this important gathering are deeply connected to our shared vision of fostering genuine equality and empowering women at every level of society,” explains Riđić. “It is an opportunity to build stronger collaborations between parliamentarians, civil society organizations, and experts, creating synergies and mutual understanding essential for sustainable progress. By connecting gender equality to broader issues of population dynamics and sustainable development, we emphasize the holistic approach needed to achieve lasting impact.”

Here are edited responses from MPs Pekić and Prlić and UNFPA’s Riđić.

IPS: What are the main objectives of the Parliamentarians’ conference in Bosnia and Herzegovina?

Jelena Pekić, MP of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (House of People) and Deputy Speaker of the Canton Sarajevo Assembly, and Lana Prlić, MP of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (House of Representatives).

Pekić and Prlić: The main objectives of the Parliamentarians’ conference in Bosnia and Herzegovina are, first, to have the opportunity for the MPs to come here and meet the people during the study tour on gender equality and women’s empowerment. MPs will meet representatives from all levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from state to local levels of government and Parliaments, as well as agencies and committees, UNFPA, and media. All of this couldn’t be possible without the local office of UNFPA, which worked hard in past months to organize this study tour.

Marina Riđić, Assistant Representative, UNFPA Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Riđić: As a woman from Bosnia and Herzegovina currently working with UNFPA, I see the Parliamentarians’ efforts on gender equality and women’s empowerment as a powerful platform to drive meaningful change in our region. The main objectives of this important gathering are deeply connected to our shared vision of fostering genuine equality and empowering women at every level of society. Through facilitating rich exchanges of experiences and peer learning among parliamentarians from Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EECA), we aim not only to showcase Bosnia and Herzegovina’s robust legal and institutional frameworks but also to learn from each other’s successes and challenges. Bosnian and Herzegovinian Members of Parliament have already benefited immensely from the collaborative efforts with the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD), enhancing their knowledge and strengthening their resolve to champion gender-responsive policies. This conference further reinforces their capacity to design and implement initiatives that genuinely reflect and address the realities women face every day.

Moreover, it is an opportunity to build stronger collaborations between parliamentarians, civil society organizations, and experts, creating synergies and mutual understanding essential for sustainable progress. By connecting gender equality to broader issues of population dynamics and sustainable development, we emphasize the holistic approach needed to achieve lasting impact.

Personally, this conference represents a significant step forward in our collective journey towards true equality, highlighting the critical role parliamentarians play in transforming legislative visions into concrete actions that empower women and girls in Bosnia and Herzegovina and across the EECA region.

IPS: What are the challenges and successes regarding women’s representation in parliament and in other spheres of government? 

Pekić and Prlić: There was a study regarding challenges that women are facing as politicians, done by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy a couple of years ago, and the focus was on violence against women in politics. The study revealed the primary reasons women are reluctant to enter politics and why those who have been successful in the field have chosen to leave. Violence against women in politics commonly takes the form of emotional and verbal abuse; the perception is that violence is the cost of doing politics, and often a reason why women don’t do politics, or they leave politics. The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2013 raised the mandatory quota for women on candidate lists to 40 percent.

It is important to have affordable and accessible social services, including childcare, in order for women to participate fully in the economy. While legislation may have been passed, budgets often fall behind. How are parliamentarians working toward ensuring that both the legislation and budgets work in harmony so that women can fully participate in the workplace?

Riđić: Bosnia and Herzegovina has made notable strides in advancing gender equality, particularly through the adoption of strong legal frameworks such as the Gender Equality Law and the Election Law’s Gender Quota. These measures signal a commitment to increasing women’s representation in parliament and other spheres of government.

However, the gap between policy and practice remains a major challenge. Despite progressive legislation, systemic barriers continue to limit women’s full participation in decision-making roles. Entrenched gender and social norms still define leadership as predominantly male, discouraging women from stepping into public and political life. On top of that, the heavy load of unpaid care work borne by women restricts their ability to invest time and energy into political careers or high-responsibility positions.

There is also a critical need to create more pathways for women to grow into leadership roles.

Structured training programmes, peer support, and mentorship initiatives can make a real difference in equipping women to navigate institutional hurdles and thrive in political and public arenas.

The study tour offers an opportunity to reflect on both the progress and the setbacks. It allows us to share how Bosnia and Herzegovina is addressing these issues—what has worked, where we’ve fallen short, and what more needs to be done to ensure that our governance systems truly reflect the diversity and potential of our society.

Riđić: In Bosnia and Herzegovina, where more than half a million women are outside the labor market, the economic consequences are significant. With a population of just over three million, the scale of this untapped potential is alarming. That’s why we are not only looking at legislation but also at how to build political will for gender-responsive budgeting.

Importantly, we recognize that such work cannot be done by the public sector alone. We are also working to strengthen dialogue with the private sector, helping businesses understand the return on investment in human capital when they support inclusive and family-oriented work environments. Learning from Central Asian experiences is another key pillar of this tour, helping us apply practical and proven models in our context.

Ensuring that legislation and budgets work in harmony is at the heart of what we are exploring during the Parliamentarians’ study tour in Bosnia and Herzegovina. While our country has adopted key laws supporting gender equality and family-friendly policies, the reality is that without dedicated and sustained budget allocations, these policies often remain aspirational.

Parliamentarians are now increasingly aware of the need to bridge this implementation gap.

Through the support of partners like UNFPA and AFPPD, they are engaging in cross-country dialogue and peer learning to understand how to advocate more effectively for budget lines that support affordable childcare and other essential social services. Evidence from UNFPA’s unpaid care work studies, labor market projections, and gender equality programming underscores that without these services, women’s participation in the workforce will remain limited.

IPS: How are parliamentarians working toward ensuring that both the legislation and budgets work in harmony so that women can fully participate in the workplace?

Pekić: Making a law and passing it in the Parliament is just the beginning of a solution for certain issues in society, as you said in your question; law enforcement depends on the executive part of the system and budget, of course. That is why, personally, when proposing some of the laws and solutions, I consult the executive branch as well as the NGOs that closely work on those questions.

For example, in Sarajevo Canton, we have devoted a lot of attention to programmes and measures aimed at empowering families, with a special focus on childcare—from subsidies for kindergartens and extended school stays to maternity allowance for women during maternity leave lasting 12 months. All of these are measures that require significant financial resources, but with careful prioritization and planning of financial flows, their implementation is possible and sustainable.

IPS: Could you elaborate on any projects enabling young women’s entry into both the workplace and spheres of government? How have parliamentarians been supporting these projects?

Pekić: As a Member of Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina, I am deeply committed to advancing initiatives that empower young women to enter both the workforce and spheres of government.

Here, I would especially highlight employment programs by the government for young people and women through co-financing employment or starting their own businesses, as well as programs such as employment and education of the women who left the safe house—women who were victims of the violence. And when it comes to programmes empowering women to enter spheres of government, non-governmental organizations play an important role by providing numerous mentorship and education programs.

Riđić:  When we speak about enabling young women to enter the workforce and public life, we must begin with a broader picture because true empowerment doesn’t start at the job interview or ballot box. It starts much earlier, through inclusive education, health services, community belonging, and opportunity.

That’s why UNFPA, in partnership with parliamentarians, supports a range of initiatives that build foundations for young women to succeed. Through our youth empowerment programmes, social cohesion and peacebuilding efforts, and intergenerational dialogue initiatives, we are helping to create safer, more inclusive communities where young women can envision—and claim—their place in the public and professional spheres.

Innovative digital tools and platforms have been developed to amplify young people’s voices in local communities and support their engagement in decision-making processes. These tools encourage civic participation and nurture leadership skills from an early age. Our work also extends to strengthening the social and healthcare systems. Initiatives promoting HPV vaccination and healthy lifestyle education in primary schools are not only improving health outcomes: they are teaching girls to value their bodies, understand their rights, and grow with confidence. Programmes focused on social protection and rural outreach have helped ensure that young women from marginalized communities, including Roma, women with disabilities, and those from remote areas, have the support they need to pursue education and employment opportunities.

While these may not always appear as direct employment interventions, they are essential building blocks. Without systems that ensure dignity, inclusion, and safety, meaningful and sustained participation in the economy or politics remains out of reach. UNFPA’s demographic work and policy advocacy are deeply rooted in identifying and scaling measures that support sustainable solutions.

MPs and delegates walk through Sarajevo on their Study Tour on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Credit: Delegates in session during the Study Tour on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Bosnia and Herzegovina, held on May 29 and 30 in Sarajevo. Credit: UNFPA

IPS: Could you elaborate on one or more specific projects that address gender-based violence? How have parliamentarians been supporting these projects?

Prlić: Recently we adopted in the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina a new law with the main goal of protecting women and families against violence, and very soon we are expecting to adopt the new changes to the Criminal Law, which will be harmonized with the mentioned law previously adopted, as well as with the Istanbul Convention, The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, which is the first instrument in Europe to set legally binding standards specifically to prevent gender-based violence, protect victims of violence and punish perpetrators.

By adopting these two laws, there is a legal framework set to criminalize some of the acts that were not in the past, as well as give more tools to the police, judiciary, and medical workers to protect victims and punish perpetrators to make society safer and to make women safer in their homes.

Delegates in session during the Study Tour on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Bosnia and Herzegovina held on May 29 and 30 in Sarajevo. Credit: UNFPA

Riđić: Addressing gender-based violence (GBV) remains a core priority for UNFPA and a central theme in our cooperation with parliamentarians. The study tour will include discussions on national and regional projects aimed at preventing GBV and providing support for survivors. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the work involves tackling both traditional forms of violence and emerging challenges like technology-facilitated abuse.

Parliamentarians have played a critical role in advancing legislative reforms and supporting institutional responses. Notably, they have been instrumental in the development of a legislative roadmap on protection from digital violence, a growing concern in today’s digital world. UNFPA’s “bodyright” campaign has contributed to public discourse and legal advocacy in this area.

Investment in healthcare services to support GBV survivors has been secured under the framework of the Istanbul Convention, with parliamentarians helping to ensure these commitments are reflected in national budgets. Equally important has been our collaborative work with survivors of conflict-related sexual violence and programs addressing perpetrators as part of a comprehensive approach to justice, healing, and prevention.

These efforts show that fighting GBV is not limited to reactive responses but requires long-term, structural engagement, and that’s why sustained parliamentary support is vital for ensuring that every law, budget, and service reflects the dignity and rights of women and girls in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond.

Note: The Study Tour on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Bosnia and Herzegovina is organized by the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) and supported by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the Japan Trust Fund (JTF).

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By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, May 30 2025 – For over a year, I refused to ascribe Israel’s war against Hamas and the reign of horror it is inflicting on the Palestinians in Gaza as genocide, but now I feel shaken to the core by what I am witnessing. If what I see is not genocide, then I do not know what is.

Last year, I attended the Mailman School of Public Health graduation ceremony at Columbia University. The student selected to deliver a speech on behalf of the student body was an Arab woman. First, she spoke about her experience at the university as a student, but then shifted to the war in Gaza. During her speech, she invoked the word ‘genocide’ several times, about Israel’s atrocious activities and onslaught on Gaza.

At the time, I was enraged, thinking that although Israel has committed many crimes in its execution of war against Hamas, it did not rise to the level of genocide. But over the last few months, as I was looking at the unfolding horror that’s taking place in Gaza—the mass destruction of infrastructure, the indiscriminate killing of men, women, and children, the clear revenge and retribution that’s been undertaken by Israeli soldiers, the starvation to which the entire community been subjected to—I could not but come to the dreadfully sad conclusion that what Israel is committing is nothing but genocide.

Indeed, how do you explain the deaths of nearly 54,000 Palestinians, more than half of them women, children, and the elderly? How do you define the deliberate destruction of hospitals, clinics, schools, and whole neighborhoods with thousands buried under the rubble, left to rot? How do you describe the many Israeli soldiers who boast about the number of Palestinians they have killed? And how do you label a government that cheered its intended goal of demolishing, decimating, and dismantling whatever was left standing in Gaza?

As I kept listening and watching the unfolding horror day in and day out, I could not stop weeping for what has evolved in front of my eyes–indeed, in front of the eyes of the whole world.

But then, hardly anything has happened to end this ongoing travesty. The war continues, the slaughter continues, starvation continues, destruction continues, revenge and retribution continue, making inhumanity and brutality the order of the day.

Yes, I cried with real tears, asking:

Where are all these Israelis who have been demonstrating day in and day out to release the remaining 59 hostages, but never raise their voices to stop the killing of 54,000 Palestinians?

Where are the rabbis who praise God for being the chosen? I wonder, has God chosen the Jews to maim, to mutilate, to massacre, and to kill? Does the Israel that was created on the ashes of the Jews who perished in the Holocaust now have the moral justification to perpetrate genocide against innocent men, women, and children?

Where are the opposition parties in Israel, who have been paralyzed and remain comfortably numb? Why aren’t they screaming, shouting, and protesting against an evil government that is destroying the very moral foundation of a country that sacrificed its soul on the altar of the vilest government in Israel’s history?

Where are the academics, professors, and students that should uphold high moral ground? Why have they buried their voices among the thousands of Palestinians buried with no trace?

And what happened to the so-called ‘most moral army in the world,’ the Israel Defense Forces, that took pride in defending their country only to turn out to become the most depraved force, committing crimes of unspeakable cruelty, ruthlessness and savagery?

They are fighting under the false banner of saving the country from a mortal enemy when, in fact, they are destroying Israel from within, leaving it searching for salvation for generations to come.

I was raised by parents who instilled in me the meaning of caring and compassion, lending a helping hand to people in need, sharing my food with the hungry, and learning never to hate others or hold others in disdain.

I have held these values from the time I was a little boy to this day, recognizing that these are the ideals that have sustained me in times of loss, in times of suffering, in times of sorrow, in times of hope, and in times of anguish, never knowing what tomorrow will hold.

One day, I asked my mother, ‘Mother, what shall I do with people who hate me and want to harm me only because of who I am?’ She pondered for a second, and then said, ‘My son, if a beast comes to hurt you, defend yourself, but never, never become like one. Because if you did, you would have lost your humanity, and you will have little left to live for.’ And, after another brief pause, she told me: ‘Remember, son, an eye for an eye leaves us all blind.’

So many Israelis have told me to my face that we should kill every Palestinian child in Gaza because once they grow up, they will become terrorists bent on terrorizing us for as long as they live, and we should kill them all to prevent that future. How sick and deranged and demented these people are.

Has it occurred to them that what Israel is doing to the Palestinians today is nurturing the next generation of Palestinians to become terrorists because they have nothing left to lose, and avenging what has befallen their people is the only reason they want to live?

Israel has lost its Jewish values, its conscience, its morals, its sense of order, and its very reason for being. Hamas’ savage attack on Israel is unconscionable and unacceptable. Still, the Israeli reaction to the Hamas massacre reminded me precisely of what my mother taught me from day one: if a beast comes to hurt you, never become one, because you will have nothing left to live for.

When this ugly war comes to an end, Israel will never be the same. It has stigmatized itself for generations to come, it has inflicted irreparable damage to world Jewry, it has intensified the rise of antisemitism to new heights, it has betrayed everything that its founders stood for. And above all else, it has lost its soul, and may never find its way back from the abyss.

[email protected] Web: www.alonben-meir.com

IPS UN Bureau

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Excerpt:

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

By Mehdi Jomaa and Obiageli “Oby” Ezekwesili
TUNIS, Tunisia/ ABUJA, Nigeria, May 30 2025 – As political, financial and social leaders met on 27 May 2025 in Abidjan, Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, for the Annual Meetings of the African Development Bank (AfDB), the continent stands at a crucial turning point. Digitalisation can be the engine of inclusive and resilient development, but only if approached with local leadership and strategic vision.

The questions asked at this year’s meeting: how to mobilise African capital, how to foster transformative partnerships, and how to accelerate the shift to greener, more inclusive economies- are not rhetorical. They are urgent.

Africa is not short on potential. On the contrary, it is home to 18% of the world’s population, yet holds less than 1% of global data centre capacity. It is a hyper-connected continent -over 600 million Africans use mobile phones today- but smartphone penetration and effective connectivity remain low.

Technology, alongside young people and women, stands out as one of the three defining forces that can enable Africa not only to transform itself but to win the 21st century. This potential is already materialising: since the early 2000s, following deep telecommunications sector reforms carried out across much of the continent, African youth have deployed technology as a powerful enabler of exponential progress.

Today, some of the continent’s largest and fastest-growing companies are in the tech sector, including several unicorns -firms valued at over one billion dollars. Mobile money innovations like M-PESA have become globally replicable models. In contrast to Africa’s historical exclusion from the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions, the digital revolution marks a pivotal moment: Africa is no longer catching up—it is helping lead a new economic era on its own terms.

The key is recognising that Africa’s digital development cannot rely solely on external flows. As the African Development Bank has pointed out, two-thirds of development finance in Africa already comes from domestic sources, such as tax revenue and household savings. In 2020, African sovereign wealth funds managed over USD 24 billion, and pension funds held assets worth USD 676 billion in 2017. On top of that, the African diaspora sends nearly USD 100 billion in remittances every year.

Mobilising these resources requires more than political will. It demands strong institutions, effective regulatory frameworks, and public-private partnerships capable of scaling digital transformation. Key initiatives led by the private sector are already underway, but more is needed: a shared vision, bold political ambition, and a digitally empowered citizenry. This is where governance and institutional leadership come into play.

In this spirit, Club de Madrid -the world’s largest forum of democratic former presidents and prime ministers- recently underlined at its Annual Policy Dialogue on Financing for Development held in Nairobi in April, that digital transformation must serve inclusion and institutional strengthening.

It emphasised the importance of investing in public digital infrastructure to ensure equitable access for women, youth, and marginalised communities, as well as establishing regulatory frameworks that protect personal data, encourage fair competition, and uphold universal digital access as a public good.

Drawing on their leadership and governance experience, Club de Madrid’s Members work to strengthen institutional trust and digital governance frameworks that ensure transformation is genuinely inclusive. Digitalising without governance is a risk, but doing so with transparency and digital rights is a historic opportunity for Africa.

This is not only a matter of efficiency. It is a question of how digitalisation can reinforce the social contract by building trust, reducing exclusion, and delivering on the promise of democratic governance. Properly directed, digitalisation can strengthen public trust, expand access to essential services, and create millions of jobs in emerging sectors.

Artificial intelligence, for example, is already being used by African governments to detect fraud, improve civil registries and plan infrastructure more intelligently. Ghana and Rwanda, for instance, are advancing national AI policies rooted in ethics and tailored to African contexts.

Still, the road ahead will not be easy.

According to the African Economic Outlook 2024, the continent faces an annual structural transformation financing gap of over USD 400 billion. Global financial reforms, while welcome, will not suffice. That is why the message from Abidjan must be clear: Africa must lead its digital future, democratically, inclusively, and with purpose, by mobilising its human, financial and political capital.

Investing in digital capabilities is not optional. In the 21st century, it is a fundamental pillar of effective democracy, responsive institutions, and resilient economies capable of creating real opportunities and delivering tangible benefits to citizens. In this endeavour, every African country has a role to play, as does every partner genuinely committed to just and sustainable development.

Africa’s digital future is not yet written: it will be shaped by bold decisions taken today, and by strategic partnerships that empower, respect, and are accountable to African people and leadership.

Let the message from Abidjan be clear: Africa must lead its digital future, not just to compete globally, but to govern inclusively, protect rights, and deliver prosperity with dignity.

Mehdi Jomaa is former Prime Minister of Tunisia (2014–2015) and Member of Club de Madrid, and Obiageli “Oby” Ezekwesili is former Minister of Education of Nigeria, former Vice President of the World Bank, and Advisor of Club de Madrid

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