By Farai Shawn Matiashe
MUTARE, Zimbabwe, Jul 16 2025 – It is a cold morning in eastern Zimbabwe as Lieutenant Colonel Reverend Doctor Samba Mosweu celebrates a glorious moment he has been waiting for all his life.

His family has accompanied Lieutenant Colonel Mosweu from the Botswana Defence Forces to this monumental occasion, which marks the culmination of years of hard work and dedication for not only him but also for hundreds of other graduates.

He is part of the 10 military chaplains from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region who have just been conferred with their doctoral degrees in ministry from Africa University, a United Methodist Church-related institution.

This is the first of its kind in Africa.

“I enrolled in this programme as a way to equip, to empower and to strengthen myself in the line of my duty,” Mosweu tells this publication at AU just outside Zimbabwe’s third largest city of Mutare.

Doctor of Ministry Military Chaplaincy recipient, Lieutenant Colonel Reverend Doctor Samba Mosweu of Botswana Defence Forces at Africa University in Mutare. Credit: Farai Shawn
Matiashe/IPS

“However, I can attest that from what I have learnt, perceived and even interacted with other colleagues from different countries, I have learnt a lot.”

Over the years, the African military turned to pastors from churches around the continent to join the army and provide spiritual, counselling and moral support to service members and their families.

Those military chaplains had to enrol in schools abroad, like the United States (US), to learn programmes aligned to the military and not general theology programmes offered by the majority of African universities.

This programme can be traced back to 2017 when Colonel Dr David Wesley Lile (Retired) from the US Army engaged the US Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Brian A. Nichols, about the possibility of establishing such a programme in the country.

Robert Mugabe was still President and relations between him and the US were frosty; hence, Nichols advised Lile to look for a neutral institution that had nothing to do with the military.

This is how the programme came to Africa University.

Doctor of Ministry Military Chaplaincy recipient, Brigadier General Reverend Doctor Shadreck Mwale of the Zambian Army at Africa University. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

But it took a long time for the Zimbabwe Council for Higher Education (ZIMCHE), a parastatal responsible for the accreditation of higher learning institutions in the country, to approve the course.

So, the 10 students studied for their doctoral degrees through a partnership with Wesley Theological Seminary, based in Washington.

Lile, who was studying for a similar Doctoral ministry chaplain programme at Wesley Theological Seminary, says they developed the programme at AU using what he was studying.

“If you are going to have a chaplain school that trains, you need the professors to train. You have 10 chaplains now who have doctorates. That is not anywhere in Africa,” says Lile, who was a US Army Africa chaplain based in Italy in 2017.

“That is the uniqueness of the programme; they focused on the context, the violence, and the trauma that is endured on the continent.”

He says in 2017 he had a two-week training programme for combat and deployment psycho support with military chaplains from Africa, and a general encouraged him to develop an African-centric military chaplain school and not workshops where they get only certificates.

Africa has experienced numerous wars and conflicts, including both civil wars and interstate conflicts.

Doctor of Ministry Military Chaplaincy recipients seated in the graduation arena at Africa University. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

Various insurgencies, including Boko Haram in Nigeria, M23 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ansar al-Sunna in Mozambique, Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan and al-Shabaab in Somalia.

These have caused not only displacements of millions of people, long-term instability and loss of life but also serious issues like trauma and mental health challenges for the soldiers fighting these wars.

Lile, from Kentucky, says Africa has at least five of the most dangerous places in the world.

“Those are places we sent United Nations peacekeepers. And most of the people we worked with as the US Army in Africa, we would come down to help train those chaplains to go with those troops deployed in those areas,” he says, adding that he trained a group that had six people die in combat in the DRC.

The UN has 11 missions, and five of those are in Africa, namely MINUSCA in the Central African Republic, MONUSCO in the DRC, UNISFA in Abyei, UNMISS in South Sudan, and MINURSO in Western Sahara.

There are 105,000 peacekeepers around the world, and close to 85,000, mostly from the continent, are in Africa.

“Africa has high standards for who can lead the training. So, to develop leadership models, they needed a programme. That is the base level,” says Lile.

“But they do not have military training for chaplains. People get killed. Who is taking care of the families, and do they have skill sets for trauma and kids? There are suicides.”

The 10 graduates were affected by COVID-19 but were able to continue and finish the programme.

Lieutenant Colonel Mosweu says people who have been deployed come from an operation as different people who desperately need his services.

“If you take the one who has been trained and put them behind the enemy lines within the operational areas, lives are lost. People get killed and injured. When they come to me, I do pastoral psychotherapy, which I use to engage, strengthen and give them that spiritual resilience. So that they become better individuals,” he says.

Brigadier General Reverend Doctor Shadreck Mwale of the Zambian Army, who has been a chaplain for the past 24 years, says this programme has uplifted his spirit as a chaplain.

“Education is important. AU came in at the right time when they provided training to chaplains. We had a break for almost a year and a half because of COVID-19,” says Mwale, who is the Director General of Religious and Moral Services in the Zambian Army.

“I learnt more about moral injury and issues of stress among soldiers. If there is one thing that troubles soldiers, it is stress. Everything is stressful and extreme. Therefore, it is important to have a chaplain who is extremely equipped in these matters.”

James H. Salley, president and chief executive officer of Africa University (Tennessee) Inc.—a charitable organisation that disburses resources to Africa University Zimbabwe—says the chaplains programme has now been accredited by ZIMCHE and is continuing.

“We will have not only the doctor in the ministry of military chaplains or chaplains for all of these entities. We now have four additional doctors with ministry degrees in chaplaincy,” says Dr Salley.

“These are senior officials and officers in their respective areas who now marry the practical with the theory. And sometimes in the classroom, you only get theory. But it is a good thing to have practical experience.”

Mosweu is now back in his home country, Botswana, offering counselling and moral support to service members.

“I want to assure you that this programme is going to aid my delivery to both my colleagues and those people I offer ministry to, soldiers and their dependents. I encourage others to attend, too,” he says.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By CIVICUS
Jul 16 2025 –  
CIVICUS speaks with Claude Iguma, a mining governance expert with a PhD in Social Sciences, who is based in Bukavu, South Kivu province, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

On 27 June, the DRC signed a peace agreement with Rwanda. This agreement forms part of a wider deal with the Trump administration promising US access to Congolese coltan in exchange for assistance in quelling armed rebellions and stabilising the region. Coltan is a crucial mineral for the global electronics industry, but its extraction fuels conflicts, insecurity and human rights violations.

Claude Iguma

What is coltan, and how does it affect the DRC?

Coltan, or columbite-tantalite, is primarily mined in eastern DRC, particularly in Kivu and Tanganyika provinces. Its unique chemical properties, particularly its resistance to extreme temperatures, make it an indispensable component of the modern electronics industry.

This global demand has transformed the region in three fundamental ways. First, it has established the DRC as one of the world’s leading coltan suppliers. The Rubaya mine, located in the Masisi territory of North Kivu, is a prime example of this: it produces more than half of the DRC’s coltan, making it a popular destination for international buyers and smelters.

Second, this mineral wealth has fuelled violence. Coltan mining has become inextricably linked to violence perpetrated by armed groups. The Rubaya mine is regularly the scene of tensions between ethnic armed groups and illegal coltan traders. Global Witness has documented this situation in a report that clearly establishes the link between international demand for coltan and the violence ravaging eastern DRC.

Third, the global energy transition has intensified the appetite of western powers for this mineral. A controversial agreement signed in February 2024 between the European Union (EU) and Rwanda regarding strategic minerals is proof of this: the EU is sourcing coltan from a country with little to no coltan reserves. This also explains why the USA is so invested in the minerals-security agreement between the DRC and Rwanda.

What are the human rights and security impacts of mining?

Artisanal coltan mining takes place in a context of widespread illegality that systematically violates human rights. Armed groups have established a sophisticated system of extortion, imposing forced labour, levying illegal taxes and controlling access to mines by erecting barriers on access roads. These same groups also regularly rob miners, creating a climate of permanent terror.

However, responsibility does not lie solely with armed groups. The military is also present at mining sites, where they extort money from miners. The miners work in extreme physical conditions without any protection, digging deep pits where fatal accidents are commonplace. An accident at the Rubaya mine on 19 June claimed 45 lives.

The exploitation of vulnerable people is another shocking aspect of this industry. Despite legal prohibitions, pregnant women and children continue to work in the mines, driven by poverty and the ineffective enforcement of regulations.

This situation perpetuates a vicious cycle of insecurity. Mining areas have become the scene of constant clashes between rival militias fighting for control of these lucrative resources. In the Numbi region of South Kivu, for example, fighting between Nyatura militias and local Mai-Mai groups has become a regular occurrence. These rivalries extend beyond mere territorial control and are deeply rooted in tensions between ethnic groups these militias claim to represent.

The consequences are disastrous: the mass displacement of people, the establishment of military regimes at extraction sites and the complete collapse of state authority in these areas. The absence of state structures creates a legal vacuum where militarisation and arms trafficking flourish.

What does the agreement between the DRC and the USA mean?

Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi’s offer to grant the USA privileged access to Congolese minerals is part of a strategy to secure the territory. The aim is to neutralise the rebellion by M23 – an armed group on the offensive in recent years – exchange for US commitment to regional security. At the same time, the agreement aims to stop Rwanda’s systematic looting of Congolese minerals, as evidenced by the peace agreement signed on 27 June.

On paper, the strategy seems coherent. In practice, however, the challenges are considerable. The porous nature of the DRC’s borders could allow illegal supply networks for coltan and other minerals to keep operating in neighbouring countries. More problematic still is the fact that the M23 is only one of many armed groups present in eastern DRC. Neutralising it, even if successful, will not automatically solve the problem posed by the other militias. Specific dismantling strategies that go beyond the scope of this bilateral agreement will need to be developed.

From an economic perspective, the agreement presents significant opportunities. Investment of billions of dollars in the DRC’s mining sector could generate significant employment and boost an economy already heavily dependent on minerals. These investments should also improve infrastructure, particularly access to mines via the road network and evacuation routes to export ports.

However, three major risks threaten this strategy. First, capital influx could exacerbate corruption among the Congolese political elite. Second, as has happened in the past, minerals may be exported without being processed locally, which would perpetuate the DRC’s dependence on unprocessed raw materials. Third, the intensification of mining could exacerbate the problem of excessive dependence on mining to the detriment of other vital economic sectors, such as agriculture.

What is civil society doing to improve the situation?

Congolese civil society is taking a multifaceted approach to humanise mining. Its intervention is structured around three main areas.

Advocacy is the first part of this action. Many organisations are campaigning with state authorities to improve the living conditions of artisanal miners and clean up supply chains. They systematically denounce irregularities observed at every stage of these chains, creating constant pressure on institutions.

The second pillar is training and support. Civil society organisations are investing heavily in training mining operators, particularly in relation to the mining code and setting up mining cooperatives. Implemented directly on mining sites, these programmes aim to professionalise artisanal mining. Projects such as Madini Kwa Amani na Maendeleo and Minerals for Peace and Development, which are being implemented in Ituri and South Kivu by a consortium of organisations including International Alert, International Peace Information Service, Justice Plus and Observatoire Gouvernance et Paix, illustrate this collaborative approach.

The third component of this initiative is the assessment of mining sites. Civil society organisations actively participate in assessment missions that determine the risks associated with each site in terms of exploitation, security, respect for human rights and environmental impact. This technical expertise helps steer public policy and private investment towards more responsible practices.

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SEE ALSO
Human rights under fire in DRC conflict CIVICUS Lens 24.Mar.2025
Deadly conflict in eastern DRC culls human rights and civic freedoms CIVICUS Monitor 10.Mar. 2025
DRC: ‘Rwandan support for M23 threatens to turn conflict into a regional crisis’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Steward Muhindo 04.Feb.2025

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By Christelle Kalhoule and Sarah Strack
NEW YORK, Jul 16 2025 – As delegates gather in New York over the coming weeks for the 2025 High-Level Political Forum (HLPF), we see this moment as a test. A test of whether world leaders are serious about rescuing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) – or content to let the promises of Agenda 2030 drift quietly into irrelevance.

For ten years, governments have pledged to “leave no one behind.” But that promise rings hollow when those at the center of sustainable development—civil society and communities—are excluded from decision-making, denied funding, and sidelined in monitoring processes. The credibility of the SDG agenda now hinges on one urgent question: will the world get serious about #UNMuting civil society and enabling it to fully play its role at all levels?

The evidence is stark. In 2024, Official Development Assistance (ODA) fell by 7.1% (16 billion USD approximately. Projections for 2025 suggest additional drops of up to 17% (38 billion USD approximately). Civil society organisations in many countries recently surveyed report funding cuts. At the same time, an enabling environment continues to shrink, especially in fragile or repressive contexts, limiting civil society’s ability to operate as showcased in most recent EU SEE alerts. And while global declarations reaffirm the importance of partnerships, local organisations—particularly feminist, youth-led, and community-based groups—continue to operate at the margins of power and resources.

From visibility to power

This year’s High-Level Political Forum focuses on the review of SDGs 3 -health, 5 – gender equality, 8 – decent work, 14 – life below water and 17 – partnerships for the Goals. But these Goals are not abstract targets—they are linked to everyday realities that communities and civil society across the globe confront and act upon for a better future.

In communities across the globe, civil society is not waiting for permission to lead. We are co-creators of solutions, watchdogs of accountability, and stewards of public interest. In Vanuatu, Fale mobilised rapidly after the 2024 earthquake, coordinating shelter, food and psychological support where institutional response lagged. In Mexico, local networks spotlighted how legal barriers and discrimination exclude indigenous and migrant communities from accessing public services. In Nepal, young activists from the NGO Federation of Nepal are working to make health, education and employment policies more inclusive of persons living with disabilities. These are not just stories of service delivery- they are blueprints for equity, agency and justice from the ground up.

Yet such models remain largely invisible in global discussions-not because they lack impact, but because they lack recognition, access and resourcing. Civil society’s role is routinely framed as consultative or complementary. It’s time to move beyond visibility and tokenism. Recognition must translate into resourcing, influence, and leadership.

As Silla Ristimäki, Adviser on Global Justice at Finnish Development NGOs (Fingo), puts it: “Concerning global trends of closing civic space must be countered at all levels. A free, diverse and independent civil society lays the foundation for lasting peace, stable societies and sustainable development.”

Localisation is more than a buzzword: it’s the only way forward

Communities, civil society, and their partners are advancing SDGs from the ground up. Forus’ newly released report, Unlocking the Power of Localisation and Multi-Stakeholder Partnerships, reveals that over 65% of SDG targets rely on local delivery. Yet most global financing, planning, and monitoring systems remain top-down and disconnected from the realities of local actors.

The report highlights over 15 case studies—from Fiji to Morocco, Zambia to Argentina—where CSOs are driving Voluntary Local Reviews (VLRs), engaging in budget advocacy and developing citizen monitoring tools that track public services. But without long-term, flexible financing and stronger multilevel governance, these efforts risk disappearing.

Centering local feminist leadership for systemic change

Despite being at the forefront of local action and deeply embedded in communities, civil society organisations -especially feminist and youth led groups – continue to operate at the margins of power and financing. The “March With Us” campaign, launched by Forus in 2021, has amplified powerful voices over the years such as Hala al Karib in Sudan, Dianah Kamande in Kenya and many more- women and civil society organisations who are peace builders and system changers.

If governments and multilateral institutions are serious about accelerating SDG progress, , then gender must be seen not as a standalone goal, but as a lens across all policies-especially financing. It must be mainstreamed across all SDG implementation and financing strategies—from public development banks to national budgets.

That is why Forus, on the occasion of the fourth international conference on financing for development (FfD4) in Seville, called for a re-imagination of financial architecture – one that recognises the legitimacy of civil society as both actor and agenda setter for transformative change.

Building trust through investing in civil society

Civil society is doing more than delivering services, it is building trust. At Forus, we are investing in storytelling, civic diplomacy, and digital governance to counter disinformation and revitalize democratic participation. Our Local Power Working Group and We Are Leaving No One Behind campaign uplift lived experiences that show not just what’s wrong with current systems—but what’s possible.

These are not “human interest” stories. They are powerful contributions to shaping policies for just and sustainable development.

What needs to change—Now

As the world moves into the final five years before 2030, the window for course correction is rapidly closing. At the 2025 High-Level Political Forum Forus urges governments, donors and international institutions to;

· Fund civil society through long-term, flexible, and core support—not project crumbs.
· Recognise community-led monitoring and data as legitimate contributions to SDG review and accountability.
· Invest in localization, not just through technical support but through the transfer of power and resources
· Embed civil society in financing and planning systems for development processes – including financing for development and public development bank strategies, and not as observers but architects of change.
· Shift power—not just through consultation, but through redistribution of voice, visibility, and resources.

In a world of growing polycrisis and democratic erosion, civil society is not optional. We are an essential part of the ecosystem for social justice, resilience and transformation. If the SDGs are to be saved, it won’t be through declarations-but through redistribution. Of resources. Of voice. Of power.

IPS UN Bureau

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Excerpt:

Christelle Kalhoule, Forus Chair and Sarah Strack, Forus Director