By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 29 2025 – Dignitaries across the international community have convened in New York to promote the two-State Solution – the coexistence of Israel and Palestine as sovereign states – as the only path forward to shared sustainable peace in the Middle East. Former and current leaders from 145 countries and independent groups will speak at the United Nations to demonstrate their ‘near-universal support’ and discuss the steps that need to be taken to achieve it.

The UN high-level conference on the two-state solution, which is co-chaired by France and Saudi Arabia, is taking place at UN Headquarters from 28-30 July. The conference includes thematic discussions on issues relating to regional security and the reconstruction of Gaza and statements from member states and regional stakeholders.

There is a shared spirit of cooperation and consensus from the participating member states to move forward with the two-state solution, according to representatives of The Elders. Founded by Nelson Mandela in 2007, The Elders are an independent advisory group of global leaders working towards peace, justice and a sustainable future.

Members from the group, including its current chair and former president of Colombia Juan Manuel Santos, spoke to the press on Monday afternoon on this “interesting and exceptional moment for the UN, for the Middle East, for the world,” as Santos remarked.

“The position that The Elders have taken has, in a way, generated some kind of reaction, especially from the [present] Israeli government. That has made our task a bit more difficult, but we persevere,” said Santos. “My own experience is that every conflict sooner or later has a resolution.” He further noted that the “circumstances may be right” to negotiate the two-state solution in light of the urgency of the “humanitarian tragedy” unfolding in Gaza and expressed his hope that this would “facilitate a process” for long-term peace and stability in the Middle East.

“It’s a moment built on when we can hopefully see a real commitment to the two-state solution in practical, real terms,” said Mary Robinson, the former president of Ireland and former chair of The Elders. Robinson noted the opportunity this would present going into the UN General Assembly in September.

At present, more than 59,000 deaths have been reported in Gaza since October 2023. In recent weeks, reports from the UN and humanitarian aid partners have warned of mass starvation and acute malnutrition in Gaza, where at least 74 people have died due to malnutrition and one in five children under the age of five are acutely malnourished, according to the World Health Organization (WHO).

Within Israel and Palestine, there are also advocates for the two-state solution, and they already have their own approach to this, according to Zeid Ra’ad Al-Hussein, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. He referred to one initiative led by Israeli and Palestinian advocates calling for a “Two States, One Homeland” framework, which includes an end to Israeli occupation of Palestinian states, careful negotiation over territorial adjustments instead, and the freedom of movement and residence for all Israelis and Palestinians.

“I think the very strength of it is that it is being driven by Israelis and Palestinians themselves, activists and lawyers,” said Al-Hussein. “We thought that it’s important that the conference understand the creative thinking that’s going on outside the UN.”

“We want to see a two-state solution as an end goal but understand it in practical terms of how to actually take place, so we gave expression to that.”

Both Israel and the United States have boycotted the conference, citing reasons relating to the ongoing hostage situation in Gaza and ceasefire negotiations stalling due to Hamas’ refusal to cooperate.

There was significant pressure to finally move forward on this matter. “You know, there is a real sense of urgency,” Robinson said regarding the international community’s response. “And I think that can’t be ignored, even by a powerful United States supporting Israel, the current Israeli government. And of course, they particularly can’t ignore the widespread sense now of an unfolding genocide.”

Robinson further suggested that the U.S. could exert its influence over Israel to pull back from the war and end the mass starvation campaign, which runs the risk of straining relations between the historic allies if Israel does not listen to the U.S.’s demands, and the “realization that the U.S. is becoming complicit in a genocide.”

Apart from the U.S., other players in the geopolitical landscape, notably members of the European Union (EU), could take clear measures to halt the fighting. Robinson reported that countries responsible for arms transfers, such as the United Kingdom and France, could halt their operations and prevent them from getting into the hands of Hamas or Israeli military forces. Further sanctions could be imposed on Israeli leaders responsible for the “systemic violations” and illegal settlements, as well as a review of their trade agreements with Israel.

Hamas’ involvement in negotiations has also been a point of debate, with France calling for their demilitarization. Santos said that the “cause that moved Hamas” could become “obsolete” once an agreement is reached. He further remarked that Hamas would need to “evolve” into a force that could participate in the Palestinian structure and would allow them to be part of the solution without being a “spoiler or disruptive force.”

Santos also remarked, “Hamas is more of a cause. For every militant that is killed, two more are born.”

In reference to the “strategic mistake” Israel made in declaring its intention to destroy the group. In their efforts to do so and project a certain image, the war in Gaza that has raged on for nearly two years will likely cost Israel and its standing with its own people, the international Jewish community, and even the United States. This could pressure Israel into joining negotiations.

Further support for the two-state solution could also be cemented as more countries recognize the state of Palestine. Prior to the conference, President Emmanuel Macron announced that France would officially recognize the state of Palestine in September during the UN General Assembly. This is significant because, as Robinson noted, it is the first member of the Group of 7 to recognize Palestinian statehood. This has the potential to “create much more momentum” should other EU members make the same move.

The Elders were consistent in their hope for the enthusiasm and global consensus for the two-state solution displayed so far during this conference. How far these negotiations can proceed after this week would also be dependent on the willing participation of all parties and states. In this case, the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza underpins this conference with a sense of urgency to take action sooner rather than later, however unlikely it seems under the current circumstances.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR, India & KINSHASA, DRC, Jul 29 2025 – The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) stands on the precipice of a profound environmental and social crisis, as the government prepares to auction 55 new oil blocks that cover more than half the country’s landmass.

Touted as a pathway to economic growth, the move has triggered fierce backlash from scientists, civil society groups, Indigenous leaders, and international conservationists, who warn that the proposed fossil fuel expansion threatens some of the most ecologically and culturally significant landscapes on Earth.

According to a new report by Earth Insight and its partners, titled “Forests to Frontlines: Oil Expansion Threats in the DRC,” the 2025 licensing round—covering a staggering 124 million hectares—poses catastrophic risks to biodiversity, climate stability, Indigenous rights, and global environmental commitments.

The DRC is home to the world’s second-largest rainforest and the largest tropical peatland complex, known as the Cuvette Centrale. These ecosystems are not just national treasures—they are global climate regulators, storing billions of tonnes of carbon and sustaining rainfall patterns across Africa. But with 66.8 million hectares of intact forest—64% of the country’s remaining wilderness—now within the new oil block boundaries, experts fear the irreversible collapse of one of Earth’s last ecological strongholds.

“The Congo Basin is nearing an ecological tipping point. Further fragmentation could flip its forests from carbon sinks to carbon sources, triggering climate feedback loops with devastating planetary consequences,” the report warns.

Oil Blocks vs. Protected Areas

While the DRC government claims to have spared high-profile protected zones like Virunga National Park from direct overlap with oil blocks, the report reveals that this is a smokescreen. Roughly 8.3 million hectares of protected areas and 8.6 million hectares of Key Biodiversity Areas are still overlapped by the new blocks.

What’s more, even oil blocks positioned just outside protected zones can cause significant harm. Road construction, pipeline development, and increased human encroachment lead to deforestation, habitat fragmentation, and growing tensions between local communities and conservation authorities.

The report underscores that environmental protection on paper means little if the surrounding buffer zones are sacrificed to industrial expansion.

The Green Corridor Betrayed

In January 2025, the DRC government declared the establishment of the Kivu–Kinshasa Green Corridor, an ambitious conservation initiative spanning 540,000 km²—an area the size of France. It was praised as a groundbreaking step toward landscape-scale conservation and sustainable development.

Just months later, however, 72% of this same corridor has been overlapped by newly designated oil blocks.

“The overlap between oil blocks and the Green Corridor undermines the very ecosystems the project was designed to protect. This is a betrayal of community rights, climate action, and biodiversity promises,” Emmanuel Musuyu, Executive Director of CORAP said.

Moreover, local communities whose lands fall within the corridor were not properly consulted. Now, they face the double threat of exclusion under conservation frameworks and degradation from extractive industry—without benefiting from either.

Peatlands in Peril

Perhaps the most dire warning in the report concerns the Cuvette Centrale, the largest tropical peatland on Earth. This region stores an estimated 30 gigatons of carbon—roughly equivalent to global emissions over three years.

The new oil blocks span nearly the entire DRC portion of these peatlands, putting them at imminent risk of degradation. Activities such as drilling, road-building, and seismic testing could drain the wetlands, exposing carbon-rich peat to oxygen and unleashing vast quantities of CO₂ and methane into the atmosphere.

“Even small disturbances in peatlands can trigger runaway emissions. If degraded, they are almost impossible to restore within human timescales,” reads the report.

The Cuvette Centrale is a globally irreplaceable carbon sink. To drill there would not just be short-sighted—it would be a global catastrophe.

“Peatlands are extremely important ecosystems, and the Cuvette Centrale peatlands represent one of the largest terrestrial carbon sinks on the planet. More safeguards need to be established to ensure the integrity of this vital ecosystem is maintained and industrial activities are limited,” Tyson Miller, Executive Director for Earth Insight, who is also one of the report authors, told IPS News.

The Human Cost: 39 Million Lives at Risk

Beyond ecosystems, the oil expansion endangers people—millions of them. The report estimates that 39 million people, nearly half the DRC’s population, live within the newly auctioned oil blocks. These communities rely on forests, rivers, and lands for their survival, livelihoods, and cultural identity.

Especially vulnerable are community forests, legally recognised lands governed by local populations. As of mid-2025, over 4 million hectares of such forests exist—and 63% now fall within oil block boundaries.

These forests represent not just environmental assets but legal victories and instruments of self-determination. Their incursion by oil development violates both national laws and international protections, including the principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC).

Contrary to promises of economic upliftment, past oil projects have shown that wealth rarely trickles down to local communities. Instead, they inherit contaminated water, degraded lands, and shattered livelihoods.

“We estimated the number of people living within the boundaries of the newly proposed oil blocks using 2020 UN adjusted constrained population estimate raster data (100m resolution) from WorldPop, a research program based at the University of Southampton. This data uses remotely sensed data to estimate the number of people living in each pixel, which we in turn use to calculate the population under threat. Outdated and missing census data, especially in rural areas, require that we use modelled population datasets,” Miller told IPS News.

Muanda: A Grim Glimpse of the Future

The coastal town of Muanda, home to the DRC’s only active oil operations, serves as a cautionary tale. Despite decades of extraction, Muanda remains among the country’s poorest regions. Locals suffer from polluted mangroves, shrinking fish stocks, and chronic illnesses—while oil revenues enrich foreign companies and Congolese elites.

“Muanda is the least developed oil town in the world. We breathe poisoned air, our natural livelihoods are gone, and there’s no health care to treat our illnesses,” said Alphonse Khonde, a resident.

The DRC now risks exporting this failed model across half its territory.

Civil Society Resists

Congolese civil society is not staying silent. In June 2025, a Week of Action saw protests, press briefings, and international advocacy from Kinshasa to London. At the forefront is the Our Land Without Oil coalition—a powerful alliance of grassroots organisations, Indigenous networks, and legal advocates.

Their message is resolute: “This government cannot claim to be a climate leader while auctioning off our forests and futures. We have a choice: dig our grave with oil or build a livable, dignified, and sovereign future,” said Pascal Mirindi, Campaign Coordinator.

The report also contains several urgent recommendations: cancel the 2025 oil licensing round and halt future hydrocarbon expansion; protect the Cuvette Centrale as a non-negotiable conservation priority; revoke oil blocks within the Green Corridor to honour its original vision; uphold Indigenous and community rights by ensuring free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) and legal land recognition; invest in low-carbon development, including renewables and sustainable mineral extraction; and align international finance with climate goals rather than fossil fuel interests.

The Road Ahead

As the world races to combat climate change, the DRC faces a critical decision. Will it become a model of green leadership or fall into the familiar trap of extractive exploitation? The stakes couldn’t be higher—not just for the Congolese people, but for the planet.

The Congo Basin’s fate is the Earth’s fate. What happens next in the DRC will echo for generations.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By CIVICUS
Jul 29 2025 –  
CIVICUS speaks with Matthew Renshaw, a partner at a UK law firm that represents Nigerian communities taking legal action against Shell over environmental damage caused by its operations in the Niger Delta.

Matthew Renshaw

Two Nigerian communities, Bille and Ogale, are suing Shell in the UK over decades of oil spills in the Niger Delta that have devastated their land, water and way of life. The High Court has ruled that Shell and its former Nigerian subsidiary can be held liable for ongoing environmental damage, even if caused by oil theft or sabotage, and regardless of how long ago the spills occurred. The decision builds on a 2021 Supreme Court ruling that allowed UK-based parent companies to be sued for harm abroad. A full trial is set for March 2027.

How has oil pollution affected these communities?

Each of the three communities we represent in the Niger Delta have been affected by Shell’s operations in different ways.

The Bodo community endured two major oil spills from Shell pipelines in 2008 that released over half a million barrels of oil, causing the largest devastation of mangrove habitat in history. Families who once depended on fishing can no longer provide for themselves. Even swimming in the waterways is dangerous due to oil contamination. Despite bringing the case before UK courts in 2011, the community is still demanding a proper cleanup that they say has never materialised.

As for the Bille and Ogale communities, they brought their cases against Shell in the UK in 2015. The Ogale community depends primarily on farming and fishing, but since the 1980s, Shell has recorded around 100 spills in and around the area that have resulted in serious contamination of the drinking water. The United Nations conducted tests in 2011 and declared a public health emergency, but very little was done in response. Shell briefly provided safe water to residents, but that ended years ago. With no alternative sources available, many people have been forced to use visibly polluted water to drink and bathe their children.

The Bille community lives on islands in a riverine area where residents depend heavily on fishing and harvesting shellfish. A major pipeline runs directly through the community, very close to where people live. Between 2011 and 2013, multiple oil spills from Shell destroyed mangrove habitats. As with the Bodo community, fishing has become impossible for many people, forcing some to abandon their homes and communities entirely.

Why sue in the UK rather than Nigeria?

The decision to sue Shell in the UK came from our clients. While Shell operates in Nigeria through a local subsidiary, the parent company is based in the UK and has profited immensely from its Niger Delta operations, so our clients view it as equally responsible for the pollution in their communities.

They also believe they can’t get justice in Nigeria. The Nigerian legal system is notoriously slow: cases can take decades to reach judgement due to automatic rights of appeal. Many people won’t live to see justice. Bringing this type of case before Nigerian courts is also prohibitively expensive, because it requires extensive expert evidence that’s inaccessible to most affected communities.

In contrast, UK funding mechanisms make it far more feasible for our clients to pursue justice. They also trust they’ll receive a fairer hearing in London. This approach has already shown results: in the Bodo case, Shell finally brought in international experts to attempt cleanup. International litigation generates meaningful outcomes that wouldn’t happen otherwise.

Even when Shell argued that the case should be heard in Nigeria, in 2021 the UK Supreme Court ruled that because Shell PLC may share responsibility with its subsidiary, the case could proceed in London.

How is Shell defending itself?

Shell claims that most Niger Delta pollution stems from oil theft by local criminals, commonly known as ‘bunkering’. According to Shell, these criminals steal oil from pipelines to sell directly or refine into fuel. The company insists its operations are clean and criminals are to blame, arguing it’s doing its best to stop theft and therefore shouldn’t be held responsible.

This defence is fundamentally flawed. While oil theft is certainly a significant problem in Nigeria, Shell’s claims are overstated. Numerous spills have nothing to do with theft. They’re caused simply by poorly maintained infrastructure and decades-old pipelines that are not fit for purpose. This stands in stark contrast to other countries where maintenance is taken far more seriously.

Even accepting Shell’s argument, our clients contend that Shell should have taken reasonable precautions to prevent foreseeable theft. In other countries, pipelines are buried, fitted with detection systems and monitored closely to detect intrusion attempts or spills. Our clients contend that Shell has failed to implement these basic measures in the Niger Delta.

What did the recent court ruling say, and what do you hope to achieve?

The High Court sided with our position, ruling that if Shell failed to take reasonable steps to prevent foreseeable harm, it can be liable for pollution caused by bunkering. Significantly, the court also rejected Shell’s claims that it couldn’t be held liable for spills older than five years, ruling that if a spill has still not been cleaned up – even if it happened decades ago – the company can still be held accountable.

This ruling has far-reaching implications. It’s particularly significant for the Ogale case where pollution dates back to the 1980s, and it opens the door for many other Niger Delta communities affected by legacy spills dating to the 1970s or earlier. Beyond Nigeria, the ruling sends a warning to multinational companies attempting to divest from polluting operations without accepting responsibility for the damage left behind.

Our clients seek three main outcomes from the 2027 trial: proper cleanup and environmental remediation of their polluted lands, emergency provisions such as access to clean drinking water and compensation for lost livelihoods and damaged property.

A pressing concern is Shell’s recent divestment from its onshore operations in Nigeria. The company has sold its assets to a consortium and is attempting to walk away from decades of pollution. While the communities we represent have at least secured court proceedings, many others have been left behind with no cleanup and no accountability.

We’re determined to prevent Shell and other multinational companies from abandoning polluted sites without taking responsibility. Success in holding Shell accountable, including for decades-old spills, could establish crucial legal precedents. Legally, it would confirm that companies remain responsible for long-term environmental damage. Morally, it’s about basic fairness: after decades of extracting resources and making huge profits, companies shouldn’t be allowed to leave behind a toxic legacy.

While our case won’t create internationally binding precedents, it could significantly influence how similar claims are litigated in other countries, particularly in common law jurisdictions.

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