By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Jul 4 2025 – Joshua Wong sits in a maximum-security prison cell, knowing the Hong Kong authorities are determined to silence him forever. On 6 June, police arrived at Stanley Prison bringing fresh charges that could see the high-profile democracy campaigner imprisoned for life. This is the reality of Hong Kong: even when behind bars, activists can be considered too dangerous ever to be freed.

An infamous anniversary is approaching. 30 June will mark five years since the passing of Hong Kong’s draconian national security law. Imposed on the supposedly autonomous territory by the Chinese government, the law made it a crime to call for democracy, leading to numerous jail sentences.

Last year, the Hong Kong authorities gave themselves still more powers to suppress dissent by passing another law, the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance. Already, police have used the new law to arrest over 300 people, including for such trivial offences as wearing T-shirts with protest slogans.

Democracy movement ruthlessly suppressed

The heady days of Hong Kong’s vibrant youth-led democracy movement, which erupted into large-scale protests in 2019, are a distant memory. It’s been so long now that some of those jailed have been freed from prison at the end of their sentences. But the authorities are determined to keep persecuting the most high-profile activists.

Wong’s case exemplifies the authorities’ determination to silence prominent voices. The young activist is the movement’s most famous faces. He’s been repeatedly jailed for protest-related offences going back to 2017, and has now spent over four years in prison either serving sentences or awaiting further trials. He’s now charged with conspiring to collude with foreign forces, for allegedly working with exiled democracy activists to urge international sanctions on China, a crime under the national security law.

Meanwhile, Jimmy Lai’s trial continues. The former media owner used his Apple Daily newspaper to support the democracy movement, until the authorities forced it to close in 2021. Like Wong, Lai has already received several sentences, but his current drawn-out trial is on the more serious charges of colluding with foreign forces and conspiring to publish seditious materials.

Lai, who also holds British citizenship, has been held in solitary confinement since December 2020. He’s 77 years old and in poor health, and his family are concerned that in such conditions he might not withstand the fierce heat of another summer. The authorities clearly intend for him to die in jail.

Tradition of dissent crushed

The Hong Kong of today is unrecognisable from the country once promised. When the UK handed the territory over to China in 1997, it was under a treaty in which the Chinese state committed to maintaining its separate political system for 50 years. This included guarantees to uphold civic freedoms. But China has unilaterally torn up that agreement and is determined to make Hong Kong indistinguishable from the totalitarian mainland.

On top of criminalising thousands of protesters, the authorities have thoroughly suppressed a once vibrant media. Hong Kong now stands at 140 out of 180 countries on Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index; in 2018, before the current intensive crackdown began, it was in 70th place. Recently, journalists have been subjected to a systematic campaign of anonymous harassment and intimidation. Authorities have started to target journalists and media companies for supposedly random tax audits.

In these conditions, many civil society groups, political parties and media houses have had no choice but to shut down, while international media have been forced to relocate. In April, it was the turn of Hong Kong’s oldest and biggest pro-democracy party, the Democratic Party, to close. Long a moderate voice that was careful not to speak out against China, it had nonetheless recently received warnings from Chinese state officials.

The timing reveals the authorities’ desire for absolute control. The next election for the Legislative Council, Hong Kong’s parliament, is due in December, and in democracies, parties gear up rather than close down ahead of elections. But most Legislative Council seats aren’t directly elected and only pro-China candidates are allowed to stand. With this latest party closure, the authorities are evidently intent on denying even the prospect of token opposition.

In the face of the crackdown, some democracy activists have managed to escape into exile, but there’s no safety there, since China is the world’s number one transnational repressor. In 2023 and 2024, the authorities placed a bounty on the heads of 19 exiled activists, offering rewards for their capture.

Hong Kong authorities have stripped exiles of passports, while police have targeted their families for questioning. May saw a further escalation, when police arrested the father and brother of US-based exile Anna Kwok, one of the 19 with a price on their heads.

Ever-growing control

The Chinese state’s reach now extends to the most trivial aspects of daily life. Pro-China informants report people who fall foul of laws, and there’s seemingly no act of rebellion too small to escape official notice. In June, Hong Kong police warned people not to download a mobile phone game developed in Taiwan on the grounds it was secessionist. Teachers – who must deliver a pro-China curriculum – have been instructed not to attend 4 July events organised by the US consulate, and to discourage students attending. Education minister Christine Choi Yuk-lin recently warned of the dangers of book fairs and other acts of ‘soft resistance’ in schools.

The Chinese state now holds all the cards in Hong Kong. But Hong Kong’s story isn’t just about a small territory’s loss of freedom: it’s a warning to the world about what happens when authoritarianism advances unchecked. As Wong faces the prospect of life imprisonment for the crime of calling for democracy and Lai withers in solitary confinement, the international community must review its commitment to democracy. The very least Hong Kong’s underground and exiled activists deserve is international solidarity and support to ensure their safety against attacks. As their struggle continues, the world shouldn’t look away.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact [email protected]

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By Richard Bugan
CAPE TOWN, South Africa, Jul 4 2025 – Concerns about the impacts of invasive species is not new; it dates to the 19th century. The term was popularized in Charles Elton’s 1958 book “The Ecology of Invasions by Animals and Plants”. However, the concept gained significant attention in the 1990s and early 2000s as academic interest surged. This led to an increase in publications by invasion biologists.

Today, the impact of invasive species has increased significantly, with regions with fragile ecosystems being more vulnerable than others. Globally, the scale of the problem is staggering. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) estimates that the minimum economic cost of biological invasions globally from 1970 to 2017 is USD 1.2 trillion. This figure accounts for expenses related to the prevention, reduction, or mitigation of damages caused by these species.

In Africa, a continent expected to be severely affected by climate change, the challenges posed by invasive species are expected to worsen. Among the most pressing is the spread of invasive plants, which not only endanger native biodiversity but also impact the economy, water security, food security and livelihoods.

One such example can be found in South Africa’s Cape Floristic Region, which is known for its remarkable plant diversity, where 70% of plant species are unique to this area.

In catchment areas of the Western Cape Water Supply System, critical for the water supply to Cape Town, invasive trees are responsible for the loss of up to 55 million cubic meters of water per year—equivalent to about two months’ water supply for the city. If not managed, this loss could increase to 100 million cubic meters per year by 2045.

It is evident that the Earth is approaching a tipping point in terms of biodiversity loss, and there is no time to waste. Many scientists, including myself, are deeply concerned about the impact of these water-consuming invasive trees.

Richard Bugan

As the Science, Monitoring, Evaluation, and Learning Manager for The Nature Conservancy (TNC) in South Africa, I lead a team dedicated to using sound science to monitor and evaluate the progress of the Greater Cape Town Water Fund, which was launched in 2018 by TNC and its partners as South Africa’s first Water Fund.

Our work includes tracking the hectares cleared in pursuit of our 2026 target of 59,300 hectares cleared, along with assessing the associated water benefits and biodiversity impacts (for both freshwater ecosystems and the recovery of native fynbos).

As of February 2025, the Water Fund has cleared 33,000 hectares (56% of the target) and completed follow-up clearing efforts across 31,000 hectares to prevent regrowth of invasive species and maintain the cleared areas. This effort has reclaimed approximately 34 million cubic meters of water per year to the benefit of both people and the environment.

TNC is committed to accurately quantifying the impact of invasive trees on water resources in South Africa. This is achieved through the application of hydrological models and infield monitoring activities. During October 2019 – February 2020, six catchments around Theewaterskloof Dam, were instrumented with streamflow and rainfall monitoring equipment. The results of this hydrological monitoring represent a unique opportunity to provide measured evidence of the water benefits achieved through the clearing of invasive trees.

But we are learning that our monitoring activities can hit a snag due to potential equipment failures, storms, and wildfires, which pose risks to their success. To address these challenges, we upgraded the paired catchment monitoring stations in December 2024 through the support of Microsoft. A new telemetry system was installed, linking each piece of equipment via radio frequency and the mobile network. This enhancement significantly reduced the risk of data loss, improved accuracy, and supported the long-term resilience of the monitoring.

After almost six years of monitoring, we are frequently asked whether clearing invasive trees is increasing streamflow. Preliminary results suggest that reference (fynbos dominated) catchments exhibit, on average, a 34% increase in annual streamflow volumes compared to invaded catchments. This represents a significant amount of water, benefiting both people and nature in this beautiful region. We are excited about these incontrovertible findings as they provide concrete evidence of the benefits derived from the removal of invasive trees.

Restoring biodiversity to its original state may take a long time. However, I am just as excited about this moment. The fact that we can contribute every day to a matter of international importance is a gradual step to success.

The author is the Science, Monitoring, Evaluation and Learning Manager (TNC South Africa)

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 4 2025 – The prospect of New Yorkers electing their first Muslim Mayor, come November, has ignited a rash of paranoid statements by right-wing US politicians, including Islamophobia– the irrational fear and hatred against Islam and Muslims.

Last week, a Republican politician caricatured America’s iconic Statue of Liberty wearing a burqa– an outer garment worn by some Muslim women that covers the entire body and face. But that internet meme, spreading across social media, was deleted after protests.

And another right-winger falsely warned that Zohran Mamdani, who last month won the Democratic Mayoral primary, may introduce the Islamic sharia law into the statute books of New York city’s five boroughs—with adulterers stoned to death in public.

If that punishment becomes a reality, one cynic jokingly predicted, New York may run out of stones—as once recounted about the fallout from Sharia law in a sandy Middle Eastern desert kingdom.

Meanwhile, President Trump, not surprisingly, jumped into the fray dismissing Mamdani as “a Communist lunatic.” That remark was a grim reminder of the spread of “McCarthyism” in the US in the early 1950s: a campaign against alleged Communists in the US government and other institutions.

Led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, the campaign, which falsely accused scores of politicians and Hollywood celebrities as “Communists”, was labeled the “search for reds under every bed”.

The 33-year-old Mamdani, a Democratic socialist and a social media star, is currently a member of the New York State Assembly from the 36th district, based in the New York city borough of Queens.

At the primary elections last month, he defeated Andrew Cuomo, the thrice-elected Governor of New York state. Mamdani’s father is a professor at the prestigious Ivy League Columbia University and his mother the celebrity award-winning movie producer Mira Nair.

Mamdani was born in Kampala, Uganda and his middle name Kwame was a tribute to Kwame Nkrumah, a political theorist and revolutionary, who served as Prime Minister of the Gold Coast (later Ghana) and President, from 1957 until 1966.

Mamdani migrated to New York City when he was seven years old and graduated from the Bronx High School of Science and later earning a bachelor’s degree in Africana studies from Bowdoin College.

Dr James E. Jennings, President, Conscience International, told IPS: “If New York is really a global city, having a Muslim mayor should be a welcome development. A quarter of the world’s population and almost 10% of New York’s citizens are Muslims. Where else but in the Big Apple could the United States better demonstrate our founding principles of liberty and justice for all? he asked.

First, the horror of September 11 fascinated the world, then New York’s most disreputable playboy took charge in Washington with global repercussions. Perhaps now an exemplary US citizen like Mamdani, who happens to be a Muslim, could lead our current politics in a more rational and moral way. His election might help repair frayed ties with the world’s 50 Muslim-majority countries and lead US politics out of its current anti-immigrant jingoism, said Dr Jennings.

Prejudice against Muslims, he pointed out, is hopelessly entangled with the politics of the Middle East. A clear voice like Mamdani’s is needed to speak out for justice and repudiate the “attack first” mentality of the Netanyahu-Trump cabal that keeps the US involved in unnecessary wars and fuels the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC).

“Those in New York’s Jewish community who deplore the Likud Party’s abandonment of Israel’s founding principles and repudiate the genocide in Gaza have apparently already decided to vote for the progressive candidate”, said Dr Jennings.

Ian G. Williams, President Foreign Press Association (FPA), told IPS Mamdani’s biggest electoral asset is that when asked, he answers questions directly and factually without looking over his shoulders to see what the funders and PACs think. (Political action committees and super PACs play significant roles in federal election campaigns by raising and spending money to influence elections.)

“No hedging, no pandering no Clintonesque squirming about what the meaning of “is” is. Voters will respect the courage even if they are not totally onside with the message”, said Williams former speechwriter for Neil Kinnock, whose speeches derailed Joe Biden’s 1988 Presidential run when he was caught out in unacknowledged plagiarism.

The turning point was when he fielded the “gotcha” question and redirected it against the other candidates paralyzed by fear of AIPAC (the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a pro-Israel lobbying group in the United States.).

When asked about going to Israel, in effect, he challenged them to explain WHY a mayor of a city with so many problems would take time off to visit an Eastern mediterranean state committing war crimes. In many ways this was more effective than chanting on a stage at Glastonbury.

It is less than a lifetime ago that JF Kennedy’s candidacy was dubious because he was a Catholic. The bigots who evoked Zohran’s Muslim background while applauding applied dogma from Opus Dei in SCOTUS are irrelevant, declared Williams, a former President of the UN Correspondents’ Association (UNCA).

Dr Ramzy Baroud, a journalist and Editor of The Palestine Chronicle, told IPS the attacks on Mamdani, a principled man with a solid following among people who are seeking value-based politics, are a strange amalgamation of all the tropes of the past: those that accompanied the McCarthyism era, those pertaining to any criticisms of Israel, and those that preceded and intensified after the September 11, 2001, attacks.

“This hodgepodge of accusations, he said, lacks a central theme, though the real, often unstated fear is that Mamdani is a danger to the ruling classes, frankly on both sides. They are simultaneously accusing him of being a communist, an Islamist, a crazy person, and an antisemite, among a long list of ridiculous accusations”.

This reflects not only the overriding racism and foolishness that continues to control political discourse in the U.S., but also a degree of desperation, said Dr Baroud.

“The fallout of this madness is that they are repeating the same lines that many Americans are fed up with and no longer accept or tolerate. In other words, the attacks on Mamdani could very much be the reason behind his potential victory in the New York Mayoral race, which in turn will further elevate and make more meaningful the overall political discourse”.

The current level of so-called political debate is arguably the most debased in history, and it seems to be getting worse with time, where the president of what is supposed to be one of the greatest democracies in the world is making physical threats to arrest and deport popular politicians for disagreeing with him. This will bode very badly for the future in the country, thus highlighting the need for Mamdani-like politicians, declared Dr Baroud.

Norman Solomon, executive director, Institute for Public Accuracy and national director, RootsAction, told IPS a gradual trend of lessening racism and increasing anti-racism in the United States, especially among younger Americans, has been a major factor in making possible Mamdani’s primary victory.

Likewise, overall, a reduction of ethnocentrism and increasing affirmation of multiculturalism in urban areas – contrary to the very real racism and xenophobia led by Donald Trump – have opened the door to electoral progress by progressives who are not white and do not fall into the category of Judeo-Christian heritage.

This is all to the good for the health of the society, and all to the good for the prospects of victory for genuinely compassionate and forward-looking political leaders like Zohran Mamdani.

But the big backlash against Mamdani’s victory and what it represents has just begun, he warned. “This is a longstanding kind of reactionary bigotry that has always been a motor force for cruelty and systemic injustice in this country”.

Mamdani’s win is a highly encouraging event that could foreshadow great progress for social justice and against Islamophobia in the United States.

Yet the hostility that this progress has provoked tells us that powerful attitudes and forces for bigotry are surging to roll back essential progress, declared Solomon, author, “War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Michael Galant
NEW YORK, Jul 4 2025 – UN Member States adopted the ‘Compromiso de Sevilla’ at the Fourth Financing for Development Forum (FfD4) which concluded July 3– the culmination of months of contentious negotiations that pitted wealthy nations against the developing world in competing visions for reform of the global economic architecture.

The wide-ranging outcome document will be met with both fanfare — from the host countries and UN officials keen to portray the process as a success — and criticism — from civil society groups lamenting the watering down of material commitments into so many toothless words. But buried in its 38 pages is a single paragraph that quietly plants the seed for a more transformative agenda:

We will establish a platform for borrower countries with support from existing institutions, and a UN entity serving as its secretariat. The platform may be used to discuss technical issues, share information and experiences in addressing debt challenges, increase access to technical assistance and capacity building in debt management, coordinate approaches, and strengthen borrower countries’ voices in the global debt architecture.

Uniting borrowing countries has long been a dream of those concerned with the imbalance of power in the global financial system. Creditors are organized into collectives like the Paris Club, they argue; so too should debtors work together to build collective negotiating power, underwritten by the threat of a coordinated default.

With two thirds of low-income and a quarter of middle-income countries in or near debt distress, a common negotiating front could not only obtain better terms of restructuring during times of crisis, but also bolster demands for lasting reforms of a failing system that keeps countries trapped in a vicious cycle of debt and underdevelopment.

This is easier said than done.

Developing countries, and the economic elites that typically govern them, are dependent on international finance, and reluctant to do anything that might spook financial markets. Simultaneously overcoming these fears in multiple countries, each with their own contexts and interests, is a tall order.

The FFD document thus conspicuously avoids the language of a “debtors’ club” or any threat of collective negotiation or default, leading instead with more neutral modes of cooperation like information-sharing and capacity-building. But even tentative steps toward cooperation can have a meaningful impact. Indeed, they have before.

In June 1984, eleven Latin American countries met in Cartagena, Colombia to coordinate their responses to the debt crisis that had by then roiled the region for two years. The resulting Cartagena Consensus was clear that it was not a “debtors’ club,” but a forum for collaboration. The group would meet five times in the years that would follow, developing common positions on the source of the crisis and the terms of its resolution.

The Cartagena Consensus is often held up as a cautionary tale for debtors considering coordination. The Group never became a fully realized “debtors’ club” capable of collective negotiation, and petered out before the crisis was resolved as creditors peeled away desperate debtors with sweetheart deals.

But even the tacit threat that a club could be in formation bore fruit. Principles developed collectively shaped early deals, the concessions from which bolstered the positions of subsequent negotiators, and less confrontational governments benefitted from gains won by the more radical.

As scholar Diana Tussie wrote at the time: “a significant improvement in the cost of the negotiated credit was achieved, spreads were reduced, rescheduling fees were drastically reduced, the cost of the loan was reduced, and the amortization period increased significantly.”

Rhetorically, the Consensus helped recast the crisis as a political one, rooted in global financial inequities and exogenous factors like rising interest rates in advanced economies, rather than a purely technocratic or moralistic question of responsible spending.

Today’s multilateral commitment to form a borrowers’ platform has advantages that Cartagena did not. While the developing world is facing a generalized debt crisis, it is not in the acute situation that beset the Cartagena Consensus, and so has an opportunity to gradually build its infrastructure under less desperate conditions.

The borrowers’ platform is to operate with UN support and a wider range of global participants. And the emergence of major new bilateral creditors, though not without its own challenges, may strengthen debtors’ negotiating hands.

Of course, the global debt challenge cannot be reduced to a zero-sum restructuring negotiation. Substantive reforms are needed to address the many faults in the debt system, from ongoing legislative efforts to combat creditor holdouts in Albany, to the establishment of a permanent multilateral sovereign debt workout mechanism — a top priority of debt relief advocates.

Yet these efforts have repeatedly been blocked by the intransigence of creditors. Movement toward reform will only be strengthened by the coordination of the countries that stand to benefit most.

A promise to establish a borrowers’ platform is far from a fully realized debtors’ club, and farther still from a panacea to the Global South’s ongoing debt crisis. But in a document short on transformative ambition, it is a concrete step toward the rebalancing of unequal power relations — and a sign that debtor countries will not submit themselves to creditor inaction forever.

Michael Galant is Senior Research and Outreach Associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (cepr.net) in Washington, DC.

IPS UN Bureau

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By Jennifer Xin-Tsu Lin Levine
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 – The UN has been criticized by some member states for overstepping the mandate of its Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine during a debate in the General Assembly.

United Nations member states held another General Assembly meeting to discuss the 20-year-old doctrine Responsibility to Protect, where many powerful members spoke out against the political contract.

On Tuesday, July 1, the General Assembly invited United Nations member states to resume discussion about Responsibility to Protect (R2P), the doctrine meant to prevent crimes against humanity. Previously, many member states spoke in support of the doctrine, calling for countries to reaffirm their commitment to protecting civilians and to respect the rulings of international law. Although some states speaking shared this sentiment, other powerful representatives advocated emphatically against R2P, criticizing its inefficacy and calling for its removal.

The Representative from the Russian Federation was a particularly strong critic of R2P, calling it “an instrument used repeatedly by the collective West to interfere in the internal affairs of states to replace humanitarian intervention.” Russia particularly noted the first use of R2P in 2011 during Libya’s civil war, condemning the West’s “warped interpretation” of the provisions in R2P.

This criticism is not uncommon: experts have argued for years that the UN overstepped its mandate outlined in R2P by authorizing military intervention.

In line with R2P, the Security Council 1973 authorized the protection of civilians “by necessary measures.” This broad statement gave NATO powers the freedom to enter the conflict territory with troops. Russia was among five abstentions for Resolution 1973, alongside China, a fellow permanent member, Brazil, Germany and India.

Calling the UN and NATO’s actions in Libya an “act of aggression against a sovereign state,” Russia went on to criticize the International Criminal Court (ICC), what it called “an instrument of the collective West.” Accusing the ICC of destroying a “once-prosperous Arab country,” Russia condemned R2P, humanitarian intervention and the ICC as neocolonial tools to maintain Western dominance globally.

The Representative from the United States of America also criticized R2P, but for very different reasons. Calling it a dangerous concept that “opens the door to selective, politicized action under the guise of humanitarian concern,” the US called the doctrine “destabilizing” to “the very international order it claims to uphold.”

Noting that intervention in conflict often is not in a state’s individual interest, the US claimed the vague concepts of collective responsibility in the document were not effective in addressing all atrocities. Using examples of China’s treatment of the Uyghur population, the military regime in Myanmar and the current conflict in Sudan, the US said, “Some Member States must do much more to address the risks that lead to atrocities and to put an end to senseless conflicts.”

This comes at a time when UN human rights experts have criticized “the United States’ escalating attacks on the international architecture of human rights, the rule of law, multilateralism, the principles of sovereign equality and self-determination, and vital international agreements on peace and security, climate change, global justice, and international cooperation.” Many states fear America’s growing isolationist practices, while others like Russia worry that they, like other Western states, are too involved in the sovereignty of other states.

The representative reiterated, “The United States will always act in accordance with our national interest and will not subordinate our sovereignty to shifting international norms, and we encourage others to do the same.” Naming R2P as a political commitment rather than a legally binding one, he suggested that each individual state protect its own populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity as the doctrine lays out.

Such influential member states, both of which are permanent members of the Security Council, undoubtedly have significant sway in the UN. However, several smaller states maintained support for R2P while outlining ways it could be improved.

The Representative from Ghana called R2P’s issue a “crisis of confidence” in implementation, arguing that its failures must be addressed by a reiteration of political commitment and a refusal to look away when the truth is inconvenient. Ghana emphasized a responsibility to remember the doctrine’s failures, including Libya, while moving forward to improve it as a more effective tool. He said, “when we preserve the truth of past atrocities, honor the memory of victims and confront denial, we are strengthening the foundations on which R2P stands.”

The future of R2P is unclear. Whether states will join the calls of larger states like the US and Russia, calling for the doctrine’s end, or whether they will, as Ghana said, reaffirm shared humanity with the principle, the decision will undoubtedly affect the normative culture of multilateral action in the face of humanitarian crises.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Ignatius Banda
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe, Jul 3 2025 – A new report has raised concerns about the exclusion of African fish workers from trade protocols between their governments and developed countries, resulting in impoverished communities relying on fishing.

This comes as the impact of Africa’s trade protocols with blocs such as the European Union and the United States is being examined regarding how they are affecting local small-scale fisheries.

Millions of people rely on fisheries in Africa, where the sector provides jobs and nutrition, but there are increasing complaints among fishermen who lack organized representation and researchers who say fishermen have been pushed out of business by rich foreign companies.

In a recent update titled From promises to perils: Small-scale fisheries overlooked in the EU-Gabon, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements uses the small African nation as an example of how the continent’s fishermen are getting the short end of the stick despite being at the front line of the lucrative sector.

The coalition looks at how Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements (SFPA) have failed small-scale fishing communities as they “have almost not been involved in these decision-making processes.”

“As Gabon and the European Union (EU) now consider renewing the tuna SFPA, local fisheries remain largely excluded from negotiations and see few benefits from the agreement,” said Beatrice Gorez, coordinator for the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements.

According to the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements, Gabon entered into a trade agreement with the European Union in 2021 and granted European fishing boats the right to harvest tuna within Gabonese waters.

More than 32,000 tons of tuna are hauled from Gabonese waters annually, making the African country the European Union’s second-largest tuna fishing partner.

However, despite these huge numbers, the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says with the trade protocol set to be reviewed next year, little protection has been put in place for local fishermen.

“The EU reiterated the crucial role of small-scale fisheries for Gabon’s economy and food security. Yet with the current protocol set to expire in 2026, the visits appeared more focused on “identifying future actions to maximize the impact of the protocol,” Gorez said.

The European Union sets aside €2.6 million annually in exchange for access to Gabon’s fisheries, and the funds go towards management of fisheries, combating illegal fishing and the protection of “fragile ecosystems contributing to the good health of stocks and the management of marine protected areas.”

Local fishermen say despite these assurances, local communities have been excluded from the negotiations.

This is confirmed by the Gabonese Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA), founded in 2023 and now comprising around 20 cooperatives of fishers, fishmongers, and processors. “The fishers were never consulted about the fishing agreement,” said Jean de Dieu Mapaga, President of Gabon’s Federation of Small-Scale Fisheries Actors (FEGAPA).

“It is true that we hear talk of government projects to develop certain fishing centers, but no one has ever explained that these investments are linked to sectoral support funding for small-scale fisheries under the EU-Gabon SFPA,” Mapaga says in the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements report.

Gabon is not the only African country that faces such challenges in the fisheries sector, where international fishing companies have a huge presence and small fishing communities have to compete for catches.

“This pattern is not unique to Gabon. In countries like Liberia, so-called “experimental” fishing has similarly served as a backdoor for accessing high-value resources for which a surplus had not yet been established, Gorez noted.

“Sectoral support from the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements must not remain theoretical; it must contribute concretely and transparently to these national efforts—something that, to date, has not been the case,” said Gorez.

The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) says African countries face pressing challenges in the blue economy, including declining fish catches and falling income levels for local fishermen due to overfishing.

“Africa’s blue economy holds untapped economic potential,” Claver Gatete, UNECA executive secretary, told the Africa Regional Forum On Sustainable Development held in Uganda in April this year.

“However, marine degradation, weak governance and underinvestment threaten its sustainability,” Gatete added.

These sentiments highlight the concerns raised by small fishing communities who are demanding a place at the negotiating table between their governments and blocs such as the European Union and the US.

“The Central African region has a historically uncompetitive marine and river transport system, with inadequate infrastructure and sectoral strategies,” UNECA says in a March update that seeks to unlock “the vast potential of blue resources.”

The Food and Agriculture Organization says while global fisheries have surged, Africa’s potential remains untapped.

“Targeted policies, technology transfer, capacity building and responsible investment are crucial to boost sustainable aquaculture where it is most needed, especially in Africa,” FAO noted in a 2024 report on the state of global fisheries.

The World Bank estimates that the fisheries and aquaculture sectors contribute USD24 billion to the African economy while providing employment to over 12 million people.

The Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements says for communities to derive a dividend from the sector, consultations must be inclusive, and this will also go a long way towards addressing illegal fishing.

“Exclusion from decision-making has led to a lack of understanding of local realities,” said Gomez.

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By Naomi Myint Breuer
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 – “Myanmar cannot become a forgotten crisis,” Jorge Moreira da Silva, Executive Director of the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), has said. “This country has faced cyclones, war, conflict, violence, climate and now immense suffering.”

Three months after a 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar, humanitarian groups warn that the international community is failing to respond. Despite the scale of need, only 36 percent of the USD 275 million requested for the earthquake response has been disbursed. Almost halfway through the year, the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan (HNRP), which guides aid efforts throughout the country, is just 12 percent funded.

Da Silva was speaking at a press briefing on June 24 following his visit to Myanmar. His views reflect those of others involved in bringing humanitarian aid to the country.

“The dangerously low funding for response efforts in Myanmar remains our greatest challenge,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his June 20 outgoing statement.

The ongoing armed conflict and political turmoil following the 2021 military coup are also making humanitarian assistance more difficult to achieve.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk reported in a June 27 briefing to the Human Rights Council that the military’s attacks rose again, despite initial ceasefire announcements after the earthquake.

Since the earthquake, the military has launched more than 600 attacks, 94 percent of which were in areas where a ceasefire had been announced. Over 500 civilians were killed, and 1000 were injured. Türk said that attacks have restricted humanitarian access. WHO reports that 6 attacks have led to 48 health workers killed and 85 injured. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has urged that groups in these areas respect international humanitarian law.

“Every day, we face barriers that prevent or delay assistance from reaching those who need it most,” former UN Humanitarian Coordinator Marcoluigi Corsi said in his outgoing statement on June 20. “I call on all parties to ensure unrestricted humanitarian access—without conditions, without delays.”

The March 28 earthquake killed 3,800 people and injured more than 5,000, according to UN estimates. Tens of thousands were newly displaced, adding to the 3.2 million displaced since the coup. The UN now estimates that 3.5 million people, 6 percent of the population, are displaced, and more than 6 million are in need of urgent assistance.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Myanmar office estimates that 19.9 million people were in need of humanitarian assistance before the earthquake, and now 2 million more are.

“Myanmar is one of the countries most in need of humanitarian assistance in the Asia-Pacific region,” the ICRC reports.

So far, 61 percent of the target population in need of humanitarian health services have been reached, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). With the monsoon season underway and active fighting restricting humanitarian access, organizations are warning about the urgency of the situation.

“We have faced many crises, including armed conflict and flooding, and now we have again been hit by the earthquake,” Daw Khin Po, who was displaced by the earthquake, told the ICRC.

The ICRC has been working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) and local partners to assist over 111,000 people in Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago and Shan State. They have provided clean water, food, tarpaulins, solar streetlights, essential household items, cash and emergency health care, as well as training, agricultural and livestock materials, support for small businesses and risk awareness training. These organizations have also been supporting existing hospitals and community health centers.

“However, the scale of needs is beyond what any single organization can address,” the ICRC reported.

OCHA is currently working to respond to Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis through “coordination, advocacy, policy, information management and humanitarian financing tools and services.”

“Amid these shocks, the security environment continues to deteriorate, people are facing grave protection threats, and coping capacities are stretched to the limit,” the OCHA Myanmar office wrote.

Humanitarian partners assisted around 1.5 million people between January and March 2025, which is 27 percent of the annual target, according to the OCHA Myanmar office. These efforts have targeted internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, resettled and locally integrated IDPs, and non-displaced stateless people. The office said that local organizations are the “backbone” of the response to the humanitarian situation, especially in areas of conflict.

Without funding, though, Corsi said more people will be at risk as organizations are unable to provide necessary support.

“The world cannot look away. The international community must step up their support,” the ICRC’s head of delegation in Yangon, Arnaud de Baecque, said.

The monsoon season creates further threats to the population, who risk disease, flooding and displacement, and adds more urgency to the situation. WHO is currently working to improve access to clean and potable water, provide health services and prevent disease outbreaks. They are collaborating with the Red Cross, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the World Food Programme (WFP) to improve water safety systems and disseminate health information.

But WHO reports that people living in makeshift structures due to the earthquake are subject to extreme health risks.

Türk emphasized that the situation in Myanmar must receive continuous attention.

“Amid the turmoil, planning for a future with human rights front and center offers people a sense of hope,” he said. “We owe it to the people of Myanmar to make that hope a reality.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 3 2025 – Since the wake of the Sudanese Civil War in 2023, Sudan has faced a dire humanitarian crisis that has been marked by extreme violence, widespread civilian displacement, and an overwhelming lack of basic services in relation to the massive scale of needs. The latest reports from a host of United Nations (UN) organizations shed light on the rapid deterioration of living conditions for Sudanese internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees.

In March, the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) issued its Global Displacement Forecast Report, which detailed the projected trends in civilian movement for the remainder of the year. Sudan, which has been described as the world’s most dire displacement crisis, accounts for nearly one-third of new global displacements this year. It is estimated that by the end of 2026, an additional 2.1 million Sudanese civilians will be internally displaced.

According to the latest Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) report from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as of May 28, over 10 million civilians are currently internally displaced across all 18 states in Sudan. Roughly 7.7 million have been displaced since the wake of hostilities in April 2023 and have never returned home.

Additionally, IOM estimates that from June 26-29, approximately 3,260 households were displaced across several counties in the Bara locality of North Kordofan as a result of heightened violence. Over half of the displaced civilians reported were children under the age of 18-years old.

On June 29, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) released a situation report detailing the escalation of hostilities recorded in May. Renewed clashes between warring parties were reported in the West Kordofan, South Kordofan, Khartoum, and North Darfur states, spurring nearly 100,000 new internal displacement cases. West Kordofan was hit the hardest as brutal clashes in the areas surrounding the An Nuhud and Al Khiwai towns drove roughly 60,415 people away from their homes.

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), since April 2023, over 4 million Sudanese civilians have been forcefully displaced to neighbouring countries, with Egypt and Chad housing the largest numbers of refugees. In early April this year, UNHCR recorded numerous armed attacks on displacement camps in North Darfur, including the Zamzam and Abu Shouk shelters, which further spurred mass movements to Chad.

Doctors Without Borders (MSF) states that since April, over 80,000 Sudanese refugees have crossed into Chad, with approximately 68,556 being concentrated in the Wadi Fira and Ennedi Est provinces. As of June, there has been a daily average of 1,400 Sudanese civilians crossing into Chad.

UNICEF reports that despite the new surges of heightened insecurity, May saw an overall reduction in displacement, with roughly 1.1 million civilians returning to their sites of origin, most being recorded in Al Jazira. However, the vast majority of these individuals still struggle with risks of violence and an overwhelming lack of essential resources, such as food, shelter, healthcare, and water and hygiene (WASH) services.

UNHCR interviewed roughly 6,810 of the refugees in Chad. They found that nearly 60 percent of them had been separated from their families, and 72 percent reported experiencing severe human rights violations, including physical and/or sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and forced recruitment.

Additionally, Sudanese refugees and IDPs alike face heightened risks of food insecurity. According to UNICEF, over 17,766 children in Sudan were diagnosed with severe acute malnutrition. In Uganda, the World Food Programme (WFP) estimates that Sudanese refugees are relying on 500 calories per day, only roughly a quarter of the daily needs per person. In Chad, nutritional support has been stretched to its limits and food rations are to be significantly reduced in the coming months unless additional funding is secured soon.

“This is a full-blown regional crisis that’s playing out in countries that already have extreme levels of food insecurity and high levels of conflict,” said Shaun Hughes, WFP’s Emergency Coordinator for the Sudan Regional Crisis. “Millions of people who have fled Sudan depend wholly on support from WFP, but without additional funding we will be forced to make further cuts to food assistance. This will leave vulnerable families, and particularly children, at increasingly severe risk of hunger and malnutrition.”

Due to limited access to WASH services and healthcare for the majority of Sudanese IDPs, there have been 23,000 new cases of cholera declared this year. With cumulative cases exceeding 73,000, UNICEF warns that the health situation in Sudan is projected to deteriorate significantly as the upcoming rainy season approaches.

According to UNHCR, of the Sudanese refugees in neighbouring countries, children bear the brunt of the crisis. It is estimated that 66 percent of refugee children lack access to educational services and roughly 30 percent have sustained serious injuries.

“(My son’s) hand got ripped off by a shrapnel bomb, some got stuck in his right eye. He arrived at the MSF clinic in (Chad’s) Tine camp several weeks ago. Each time, doctors and nurses struggled to even access the wound as the child was traumatized and in immense pain,” said the mother of Mahanat, an eleven-year-old Sudanese refugee who fled to Chad after an April attack on the Zamzam camp in Sudan, in an interview with MSF.

UNHCR states that only 14 percent of humanitarian needs for Sudanese refugees have been met, leaving thousands particularly vulnerable to extreme weather events, adverse health conditions, and violence. It is estimated that the average Sudanese refugee receives roughly 5 liters of water per day, which is about 4 times less than the global average per person.

“Again, we ask donors, the UN, and humanitarian organizations to start providing or scaling up support in terms of food, shelter, sanitation, and medical care, including mental health services,” said Claire San Filippo, MSF’s emergency coordinator for Sudan. “The current response is grossly insufficient.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

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By Naïma Abdellaoui
GENEVA, Jul 3 2025 – Recent proposals to relocate UN operations to lower-cost duty stations ignore demonstrable economic patterns. Empirical evidence suggests that establishing UN hubs often triggers localized inflation, negating projected savings.

Case Study: UN Presence in Nairobi
While city-wide inflation is driven by national policies, population growth, infrastructure deficits and global shocks, the UN significantly increased rents and land prices in affluent Nairobi neighborhoods, creating enclaves of hyper-inflation for premium goods and services.

While most Nairobians struggle with costs tied to local realities, elites near UN hubs face Paris-level prices. UN operations inherently stimulate demand for premium housing, security, and bilingual services. Projected savings rarely materialize once market adjustments occur.

The Liquidity Crisis: Self-Inflicted and Avoidable
The Secretary-General’s 2023 definitive shift from biennial to annual budgets—contrary to historical practice—exacerbated cash-flow vulnerabilities.

This restructuring ignored the U.S. payment pattern (80% of contributions arrive in Q4), transforming manageable delays into systemic crises.

Result:
– Premature austerity measures (20% staff cuts) targeting high-experience personnel.
– Erosion of institutional capacity in critical areas (peacekeeping, humanitarian law).

Underutilized Charter Provisions: Article 6 and Article 19
The UN Charter provides robust tools to address fiscal noncompliance and political obstruction:

1. Article 19 (Voting Suspension):
Permits revocation of voting rights for members exceeding two years of arrears. This was applied 13 times (e.g., Libya 2021). Yet chronic non- or late-payers (notably the U.S., owing $1.3B) face no enforcement. (Article 19 A Member of the United Nations which is in arrears in the payment of its financial contributions to the Organization shall have no vote in the General Assembly if the amount of its arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years. (…))

2. Article 6 (Expulsion):
Allows expulsion of states “persistently violating” Charter principles. Historically unused despite patterns of withholding funds to exert political pressure. (Article 6 A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council).

Alternative Reform Pathways
Rather than relocating staff or dismantling entities, the UN could:

A. Leverage Geopolitical Counterweights
– Relocate HQ functions to Geneva as a deterrent against contribution withholding.
– Impact: New York stands to lose $3.3B/year in economic activity when the US assessed contribution amounts to only $1.3B/year.
B. Enforce Financial Accountability
– Convert arrears into sovereign debt under international law.
– Suspend veto rights for chronic non-payers (per Article 19).
C. Preserve Institutional Integrity
– Revert to biennial budgets to accommodate payment cycles and patterns.
– Include staff unions in reform design (e.g., UN80 Task Force).

The UN80 Paradox: Efficiency vs. Institutional Amnesia

Accelerated consolidation without stakeholder consultation risks:
– Operational Fragility: Loss of specialized expertise (e.g., conflict mediation, logistics).
– Legacy Erosion: Undermining 80 years of norms (human rights, humanitarian law).

Conclusion: A Call for Charter-Compliant Solutions

The UN’s viability hinges on using its existing legal tools—not on self-imposed austerity.
Member states (particularly G77+China and BRICS) could:

1. Demand enforcement of Article 19 against non-paying states.
2. Propose a GA Resolution 80/… (invoking Article 6) for states obstructing multilateralism.
3. Commission an independent audit of relocation cost assumptions.

The path to reform lies not in fragmenting the UN’s foundations, but in reclaiming the courage of its Charter.

IPS UN Bureau

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Excerpt:

Naïma Abdellaoui is a Concerned International Civil Servant and Staff Representative
Member of the Executive Bureau of UNOG Staff Union

By Manipadma Jena
SEVILLE & BHUBANESWAR, Jul 2 2025 – While droughts creep in stealthily, their impacts are often more devastating and far-reaching than any other disaster. Inter-community conflict, extremist violence, and violence and injustice against vulnerable girls and women happen at the intersection of climate-induced droughts and drought-impoverished communities.

Five consecutive years of failed rain in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Kenya brought the worst drought in seventy years to the Horn of Africa by 2023. In Somalia, the government estimated 43,000 excess deaths in 2022 alone due to drought-linked hunger.

As of early current year, 4.4 million people, or a quarter of Somalia’s population, face crisis-level food insecurity, including 784,000 people expected to reach emergency levels. Together, over 90 million people across Eastern and Southern Africa face acute hunger. Some areas have been enduring their worst ever recorded drought, finds a United Nations-backed study, Drought Hotspots Around the World 2023-2025 released today at the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4).

UNCCD Executive Secretary Ibrahim Thiaw noted that while drought is here and escalating, it demands urgent global cooperation. Photo courtesy: UNCCD

High tempera­tures and a lack of precipitation in 2023 and 2024 resulted in water supply shortages, low food supplies, and power rationing. In parts of Africa, tens of millions faced drought-induced food shortages, malnutrition, and displacement, finds the new 2025 drought analysis, Drought Hotspots Around the World 2023-2025, by the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) and the U.S. National Drought Mitigation Center (NDMC).

It not just comprehensively synthesizes impacts on humans but also on biodiversity and wildlife within the most acute drought hotspots in Africa (Somalia, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Botswana, and Namibia), the Mediterranean (Spain, Morocco, and Türkiye), Latin America (Panama and the Amazon Basin) and Southeast Asia.

Desperate to Cope but Pulled Into a Spiral of Violence and Conflict

“The coping mechanisms we saw during this drought grew increasingly desperate,” says lead author Paula Guastello, NDMC drought impacts researcher. “Girls pulled from school and forced into marriage, hospitals going dark, and families digging holes in dry riverbeds just to find contaminated water. These are signs of severe crisis.”

Over one million Somalis in 2022 were forced to move in search of food, water for families and cattle, and alternative livelihoods. Migration is a major coping mechanism mostly for subsistence farmers and pastoralists. However, mass migration strains resources in host areas, often leading to conflict. Of this large number of displaced Somalis, many crossed into territory held by Islamic extremists.

Drought in a Sub-Saharan district leads to 8.1 percent lower economic activity and 29.0 percent higher extremist violence, an earlier study found. Districts with more months of drought in a given year and more years in a row with drought experienced more severe violence.

Drought expert and editor of the UNCCD study Daniel Tsegai told IPS at the online pre-release press briefing from the Saville conference that drought can turn into an extremist violence multiplier in regions and among communities rendered vulnerable by multi-year drought.

Climate change-driven drought does not directly cause extremist conflict or civil wars; it overlaps and exacerbates existing social and economic tensions, contributing to the conditions that lead to conflict and potentially influencing the rise of extremist violence, added Tsegai.

Extracting water from a traditional well using a manual pulley system. Credit: Abdallah Khalili / UNCCD

Though the effects of climate change on conflict are indirect, they have been seen to be quite severe and far-reaching. An example is the 2006-2011 drought in Syria, seen as the worst in 900 years. It led to crop failures, livestock deaths and mass rural displacement into cities, creating social and political stress. Economic disparities and authoritarian repression gave rise to extremist groups that exploited individuals facing unbearable hardships.

The UN study cites entire school districts in Zimbabwe that saw mass dropouts due to hunger and school costs. Rural families were no longer able to afford uniforms and tuition, which cost USD 25. Some children left school to migrate with family and work.

Drought-related hunger impact on children

Hungry and clueless about their dark futures, children become prime targets for extremists’ recruitment.

A further example of exploitation of vulnerable communities by extremists is cited in the UNCCD drought study. The UN World Food Programme in May 2023 estimated that over 213,000 more Somalis were at “imminent risk” of dying of starvation. Little aid had reached Somalia, as multiple crises across the globe spread resources thin.

However, al-Shabab, an Islamic extremist group tied to al-Qaida, allegedly prevented aid from reaching the parts of Somalia under its control and refused to let people leave in search of food.

Violent clashes for scarce resources among nomadic herders in the Africa region during droughts are well documented. Between 2021 and January 2023 in eastern Africa alone, over 4.5 million livestock had died due to droughts, and 30 million additional animals were at risk. Facing starvation of both their families and their livestock, by February 2025, tens of thousands of pastoralists had moved with their livestock in search of food and water, potentially into violent confrontations with host regions.

Tsegai said, “Drought knows no geographical boundaries. Violence and conflict spill over into economically healthy communities this way.”

Earlier drought researchers have emphasized to policymakers that “building resilience to drought is a security imperative.”

Women and Girls Worst Victims of Drought Violence

“Today, around 85 percent of people affected by drought live in low- and middle-income countries, with women and girls being the hardest hit,” UNCCD Deputy Executive Secretary Andrea Meza said.

“Drought might not know boundaries, but it knows gender,” Tsegai said. Women and girls in low-income countries are the worst victims of drought-induced societal instability.

Traditional gender-based societal inequalities are what make women and girl children par­ticularly vulnerable.

During the 2023-2024 drought, forced child marriages in sub-Saharan Africa more than doubled in frequency in the four regions hit hardest by the drought. Young girls who married brought their family income in the form of a dowry that could be as high as 3,000 Ethiopian birr (USD 56). It lessened the financial burden on girls’ parental families.

Forced child marriages, however, bring substantial risks to the girls. A hospital clinic in Ethiopia (which, though, it has outlawed child marriage) specifically opened to help victims of sexual and physi­cal abuse that is common in such marriages.

Girls gener­ally leave school when they marry, further stifling their opportunities for financial independence.

Reports have found desperate women exchanging sex for food or water or money during acute water scarcities. Higher incidence of sexual violence happens when hydropower-dependent regions are confronted with 18 to 20 hours without electricity and women and girls are compelled to walk miles to fetch household water.

“Proactive drought management is a matter of climate justice,” UNCCD Meza said.

Drought Hotspots Need to Be Ready for This ‘New’ Normal

“Drought is no longer a distant threat,” said UNCCD Executive Secretary Ibrahim Thiaw, adding, “It is here, escalating, and demands urgent global cooperation. When energy, food, and water all go at once, societies start to unravel. That’s the new normal we need to be ready for.”

“This is a slow-moving global catastrophe, the worst I’ve ever seen. This report underscores the need for systematic monitoring of how drought affects lives, livelihoods, and the health of the ecosystems that we all depend on,” said Mark Svoboda, report co-author and NDMC Founding Director.

“The struggles experienced by Spain, Morocco and Türkiye to secure water, food, and energy under persistent drought offer a preview of water futures under unchecked global warming. No country, regardless of wealth or capacity, can afford to be complacent,” he added.

Global Drought Outlook 2025 estimates the economic impacts of an average drought today can be up to six times higher than in 2000, and costs are projected to rise by at least 35% by 2035.

“It is calculated that $1 of investment in drought prevention results in bringing back $7 into the GDP lost to droughts. Awareness of the economics of drought is important for policymaking,” Tsegai said.

The report released during the International Drought Resilience Alliance (IDRA) event at the Saville conference aims to get public policies and international cooperation frameworks to urgently prioritize drought resilience and bolster funding.

IPS UN Bureau Report

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